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Ethnic belonging of the children born out of rape in postconflict Bosnia‐Herzegovina and Rwanda

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  3. Settler children, kangaroos and the cultural politics of Australian national belonging
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This multidisciplinary research project aims to promote children's inclusion in educational settings in Finland, Iceland, the Netherlands, Norway, and Sweden. We approach belonging as a relational, multi-dimensional, contested, and power-loaded phenomenon that is constructed in the intersection between the macro-level politics and humans daily lives at the micro-level.

The project involves groups of children with a large diversity from five different countries. The children participating in the project are between three and eight years old, they represent gender groups, different ethnical backgrounds, and children with and without special needs and disabilities.

Everyone was nice to me at the beginning, it was because I was new, from Poland, wow! But after some time they just stopped, and I had no friends, some days no one to talk to. They ignore you when you ask, but if some other Scots ask for that same help, then they will help straight away. This points to the emotional labour involved in fighting for recognition, linked to the emotionality of being a migrant and the ways in which power relationships mapped on ethnicity and status are experienced and negotiated on an everyday basis across a range of sites, such as school and work.

When thinking about the potential for one day belonging, some of the participants talked about the long-term possibility of becoming a British national, emphasising, therefore, formal citizenship. The sense of social or civic in security is linked to notions of feeling accepted as equal members of work or neighbourhood communities. Interviewer: Would you say that Scotland feels like your country or not yet? Ana: No, not like my country.

Interviewer: Do you think you might move to other countries then? I still have, like, my life in front of me. Interviewer: American? Have you been to America? I like being different.

How Educators Can Help Students Feel Like They Belong: Cultural and Political Perspectives

The children were thinking of going back to Lithuania when they finish their studies at university. You never know what the future holds for us, now that this credit crunch is bad everywhere in the world. Because it also depends on what my children will be doing. In this process, the agency of young people and their emotional resilience are manifest extensively and configured by intersections of existing and acquired identities, reconfigured spaces of belonging and transformed intergenerational relationships.

These narratives are often shaped by discourses of modernity whereby the self and the family become reflexive projects, with often unanticipated risks associated with the loss of close kinship and friendship networks, and the sense of recognition that a person gets from family and community.

At the same time, it points to the temporal aspect of in security, where perceptions change over time depending on family circumstances, but with a sense of collective family memory of an insecure past. While, for the adults, migration brings financial stability and the belief that emotional and social security would follow, the children and some adults often question the family move abroad as they reflect on the sacrifices of family and friendship networks and of the emotional in security that comes from reduced networks of support.

While financial gains were undeniable in most families, the emotional strain led to family separation or tension between the generations. In terms of a secure future, both parents and children were still uncertain that their migration had put them on a safe and secure route to future stability and personal success. While both generations seemed to acknowledge that migration had opened doors to better paid employment or better schooling, for example, the lived realities also meant an acute sense of loss of places and relationships and of not always belonging to a community.

The article has also shown that involving children in migration research can highlight internal dynamics in migrant families and challenge adult-centred constructs of family migration. Understanding issues of emotional and ontological security in relation to family migration requires a clear recognition and positioning of children as a group who have distinct views and experiences. In the families in this project, the parents needed to believe that their decisions had not been in vain and that ultimately their children would be able to achieve a sense of stability and grounding in their new country.

The sense of in security is based on a combination of experiences of the past, current access to resources and estimations of the probable future. I gratefully acknowledge helpful comments and support from Prof. Bernard Harris, Prof. Rebecca Kay and Dr Katherine Botterill, and two anonymous reviewers. Baldassar L.

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Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 33 2 : — Baptiste D. Immigrant Families, Adolescents and Acculturation. Marriage and Family Review 19 3—4 : — Boyatzis R. London: Sage. Bushin N. Devine D. Mobilising Capitals? British Journal of Sociology of Education 30 5 : — Devine ed. Amsterdam: Springer. Engbersen G. Glorius, I. Grabowska-Lusinska, A. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Giddens A. Cambridge: Polity Press. Haikkola L. Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies 37 8 : — Laing R.

The Divided Self.

Children and the Politics of Culture - Sharon Stephens - Google книги

Harmondsworth: Penguin. Mannitz S. Bielefeld: Transcript Verlag. Mazzucato V. Journal of Marriage and Family 73 4 : — May V. Self, Belonging and Social Change. Sociology 45 3 : —3 Aldershot: Ashgate. Orellana M. Pyer M. Research Ethics 9 4 : — Read R. European Journal of Anthropology 50 1 : 3— Reynolds T. Journal of Youth Studies 10 4 : — Ryan L. International Migration 49 2 : 80— International Migration 51 2 : 90— California: Stanford University Press. Sime D. Skelton, L.

Holt, R. Singapore: Springer. Childhood 22 3 : — Virdee S. Racism, Crisis, Brexit. White A. Yuval-Davis N. Belonging and the Politics of Belonging. Patterns of Prejudice 40 3 : — The Situated Politics of Belonging. This article is distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution 4. Skip to main content. Search form Search. You are here Home.

Settler children, kangaroos and the cultural politics of Australian national belonging

Author s : Sime, Daniela. DOI: Received: 20 March Accepted: 7 May I would be bored if I only grew up in one culture. Having two, I can choose what clothes to wear, what to eat. I take good things from both cultures. It appears that for all the interviewees family plays an immensely important role in determining whether or not a person will have a hard or easy time integrating into Danish society. Din, who is of Pakistani background, owes her sense of security to her family.

This consequently accelerated their integration into Danish culture. There is a popular belief that immigrants only want their children to be in a cultural box and not to have Danish values; however, some immigrant parents make a point of teaching only Danish culture to their children because they believe that this approach will help their children to be accepted by Danish society faster.

The sole reason for this, she thinks, was for her to integrate. On the other hand, many immigrants such as Rushy Rashid have had a much harder time feeling at home in Denmark. When growing up, Rashid often felt embarrassed by her parents. Because I go with the Danish friends? Or because I do the things they do? What about people who are sitting at home and taking care of their tradition? Democracy is more than the government. Instead it is thought that they live off of the welfare system without getting a job or actively trying to integrate into society.

To combat this stereotype, Kankan believes that immigrants must actively contribute to the society and the economy. Then you should find a way to get your own money. Social life and daily activities have also proven to be a crucial factor used by the Danes in determining whether an immigrant is integrated or not. They like to go out to nightclubs and bars.

Postscript First

In this way learning Danish and acting in a manner that is understandable to Danes is a large part of becoming integrated. But simply acting like people expect one to act does not lead to a feeling of integration on the part of the immigrant. He or she must feel that their personal identity, which can be informed by Danish and foreign traditions, is accepted as legitimate. Plans for the future are an important indicator for how an immigrant feels in their adopted country.

Do they feel accepted enough to encourage their children to also take part in the society? Although there was some feeling of resentment towards Denmark that involved plans to move away in the near future, many immigrants saw the future generation as another chance to integrate into Danish society in a positive, productive way. The benefits of being multi-cultural also led most of the immigrants we interviewed to feel the need to teach their children both Danish and their native culture.

There is a potential there, if it is used right. In my case, I think it helps me to adapt better. At the same time, she thinks it is necessary for the children to be independent -- clearly a Danish value. Din just finished her fourth semester of engineering school.

She has two more years to go and intends to live in Denmark, where she feels at home, while upholding the Pakistani tradition. Her parents do not want to go back to their home country anymore. Now they have their lives here. They have friends and family.

Children and the Politics of Cultural Belonging

When asked about the future marriage, Din said that she would prefer to marry a Pakistani boy, although that is not a requirement. The main reason is that she wants to raise her children in this mixture of cultures that she likes. And I feel that the Pakistani guy will understand me better.

The experience of personal discrimination and general discrimination appears to have different impacts on different immigrants. Nonetheless, both kinds of discrimination harm their sense of security, and create a bitter feeling against Denmark. You are Muslim. Everything is tense now…. I prefer that my children will not live here. I have a deadline. When he is six, I will move. A question that plagues politicians and citizens everywhere in Denmark is: what can the government legitimately do to integrate immigrants into Danish society in a meaningful way?

This question is made more complicated because of the complex nature of integration. But, according to many of our interviewees, merely getting a job does not necessitate a nuanced personal identity that is rooted in Danish and foreign cultures. These nuanced identities have to be culturally accepted in Denmark, and having a government affect cultural acceptance is a much murkier, although no less important issue.

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