There is a strange self-organizing quality about this design. Or more? And here again, a coordinated message — without any central agency. But maybe it is all an abstraction to you. In , a long time ago but in the lives of many now living, the citizens of California, by a majority of nearly two-thirds, voted to pass a law called Proposition This amended the state constitution to add the following:.
The amendment, obviously, turned out to be unconstitutional , just like this one ; and we have persons of color to this day in California. In fact, we have so many of them that California in elected Barack Obama, noted person of color, by almost the same margin that its predecessor passed Prop. Part of this political change was due to said demographic shift.
But not all. So: how, exactly, did California change from a state that would vote for Prop. Was this change predictable? Was it inevitable in some sense? Again, we are seeing the movement of a bobber on the water. What is the bobber attached to? A bluegill? Or Cthulhu? If you are still clinging to the Matrix, you might say the change happened because Prop. Suppose we agree with you.
But why, exactly, should we have been so confident in expecting a change from wrong to right? If there is some mechanism large and powerful enough to drag the public opinion of California, in 45 years, from Prop. Will segregation make a comeback in San Francisco? If not, why not? Whatever our Cthulhu may be, it is interesting to note that there is an algorithm for predicting the movement of the bobber.
On a number of subjects — not just segregation — I note that the public opinion of California in is quite similar to the public opinion of Stanford in This is easy to explain: in post America, the source of all new ideas is the university. Ideas check out of the university, but they hardly ever check in. Thence, they flow outward to the other arms of the educational system as a whole: the mainstream media and the public schools. It can act in advance of a complete response, as in this case the Supreme Court did in , and synchronize directly with the universities.
This relationship, whose widespread practice in the United States dates to , is known as public policy. Essentially, for everything your government does, there is a university department full of professors who can, and do, tell it what to do. Civil servants and Congressional staffers follow the technical lead of the universities.
The residual democratic branch of Washington, the White House, can sometimes push back feebly, but only with great difficulty. The synchronization is international. But there is only one global postwar academic system, the American one, and all top-tier universities are in the United States. The con by which policies devised by this system are passed off as global, transcending mere nationality, is sometimes called transnationalism. But I digress. The triangle of professors, bureaucrats, and public opinion is stable, because the professors teach as well as advise.
Of course, there is a time lag. The system experiences some strain. But it will stay together, so long as the polarity does not randomly reverse — ie, because Cthulhu decides to suddenly swim right rather than left. In the history of American democracy, if you take the mainstream political position Overton Window , if you care at time T1, and place it on the map at a later time T2, T1 is always way to the right, near the fringe or outside it. So, for instance, if you take the average segregationist voter of and let him vote in the election, he will be way out on the wacky right wing.
Cthulhu has passed him by. Where is the John Birch Society, now? Cthulhu swims left, and left, and left. There are a few brief periods of true reaction in American history — the post-Reconstruction era or Redemption , the Return to Normalcy of Harding, and a couple of others. But they are unusual and feeble compared to the great leftward shift.
Nor, most important for our hypothesis, did they come from the universities; in the 20th century, periods of reaction are always periods of anti-university activity. McCarthyism is especially noticeable as such. The principle applies even in wars. Clearly, if you want to be on the winning team, you want to start on the left side of the field. And we are starting to piece the puzzle together. The leftward direction is, itself , the principle of organization. In a two-party democratic system, with Whigs and Tories, Democrats and Republicans, etc, the intelligentsia is always Whig.
Their party is simply the party of those who want to get ahead. It is the party of celebrities, the ultra-rich, the great and good, the flexible of conscience. Tories are always misfits, losers, or just plain stupid — sometimes all three. And the left is the party of the educational organs, at whose head is the press and universities. This is our 20th-century version of the established church.
Here at UR, we sometimes call it the Cathedral — although it is essential to note that, unlike an ordinary organization, it has no central administrator. No, this will not make it easier to deal with. This strange chiral asymmetry implies some fundamental difference between right and left. What is that difference? What does it even mean to be left rather than right? How can an entire system of independent thinkers and institutions, without any central coordinating agency, recognize that everyone should go left rather than right? First, we need to define left and right.
In my opinion, obviously a controversial one, the explanation for this mysterious asymmetric dimension is easy: it is political entropy. Right represents peace, order and security ; left represents war, anarchy and crime. Because values are inherently subjective, it is possible to argue that left can be good and right can be bad. For example, you can say that the Civil War was good — the North needed to conquer the South and free the slaves. On the other hand, it is also quite easy to construct a very clean value system in which order is simply good, and chaos is simply evil.
I have chosen this path. It leaves quite a capacious cavity in the back of my skull, and allows me to call myself a reactionary. To you, perhaps, it is the dark side. But this is only because the treatment is not yet complete. Whatever you make of the left-right axis, you have to admit that there exists some force which has been pulling the Anglo-American political system leftward for at least the last three centuries.
Whatever this unfathomable stellar emanation may be, it has gotten us from the Stuarts to Barack Obama.
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Personally, I would like a refund. It is time to understand this force. The left attracts a natural coalition because it always attracts those whose only interest is in the pure thrill of domination. Most will join them through peer pressure alone, leaving only the misfits. Your R1 professors, your Times reporters, and so on. These are, of course, very competitive jobs, and only a tiny minority of the people who want them and are capable of doing them will get to have them.
They have certainly worked very hard to get where they are. And they perceive that effort as one made in the interest of humanity at large. I think the salaries at this level are reasonable, but it is not money that makes people want these jobs. It is power, which brings with it status. One of the key reasons that intellectuals are fascinated by disorder, in my opinion, is the fact that disorder is an extreme case of complexity.
And as you make the structure of authority in an organization more complex, more informal, or both — as you fragment it, eliminating hierarchical execution structures under which one individual decides and is responsible for the result, and replacing them with highly fragmented, highly consensual, and highly process-oriented structures in which ten, twenty or a hundred people can truthfully claim to have contributed to the outcome, you increase the amount of power, status, patronage, and employment produced.
Of course, you also make the organization less efficient and effective, and you make working in it a lot less fun for everyone — you have gone from startup to Dilbert. This is Brezhnevian sclerosis, the fatal disease of organizations in a highly regulated environment. All work is guided by some systematic process, in which each rule was contributed by someone whose importance was a function of how many rules he added. In the future, we will all work for the government. Individually, this is the last thing your average intellectual wants to do, but it is the direction in which his collective acts are pushing us.
The left is chaos and anarchy, and the more anarchy you have, the more power there is to go around. The more orderly a system is, the fewer people get to issue orders. The same asymmetry is why corporations and the military, whose system of hierarchical executive authority is inherently orderly, cluster to the right. Once the cluster exists, however, it works by any means necessary. The reverence of anarchy is a mindset in which an essentially Machiavellian, tribal model of power flourishes.
To the bishops of the Cathedral, anything that strengthens their influence is a good thing, and vice versa. The analysis is completely reflexive, far below the conscious level. Consider this comparison of the coverage between the regime of Pinochet and that of Castro. Despite atrocities that are comparable at most — not to mention a much better record in providing responsible and effective government — Pinochet receives the full-out two-minute hate, whereas the treatment of Castro tends to have, at most, a gentle and wistful disapproval.
If you sketch the relative weights of the social networks connecting Pinochet to the Cathedral, versus Castro to the Cathedral, you are comparing a thread to a bicep. We also see the nature of the blue pill here. After completing the UR treatment, it is interesting to go back and read your Chomsky.
The American system is very large and complex, and this is certainly not the case. Yet, in objective reality, he always seems to win in the end. In other words, the Chomskian transformation is to interpret any resistance, by a party which is inherently much weaker, as oppression by a magic force of overwhelming strength. For example, we can ask: which set of individuals exerts more influence over American journalists? American professors, or American CEOs?
American diplomats, or American generals? In both cases, the answer is clearly the former. Yet any hint of corporate or military influence over the press is, of course, anathema. If anyone is in an obvious position to manufacture consent , it is as Walter Lippmann openly proposed first the journalists themselves, and next the universities which they regard as authoritative.
Yet, strangely, the leftist has no interest whatsoever in this security hole. This can only be because it is already plugged with his worm. The complaint of the Chomskian, in other words, always occurs when the other team is impudent enough to try to manufacture a bit of its own consent. Hence: the blue pill. You see, the problem is not just that our present system of government — which might be described succinctly as an atheistic theocracy — is accidentally similar to Puritan Massachusetts.
As anatomists put it, these structures are not just analogous. They are homologous. This architecture of government — theocracy secured through democratic means — is a single continuous thread in American history. The author cannot possibly know anything about If you find a text from that describes the H-bomb, you know that the H-bomb was known in One such text is entirely sufficient. You are used to thinking of this perspective, which is obviously somewhere toward the left end of your NPR dial, as representative of a political movement.
We have caught the worm in the act of turning. The political program and perspective that we think of as progressive is, or is at least descended from, the program of a religious sect. You can also see it in abolitionism, the Social Gospel, the Prohibitionists, and straight on down to global warming. The mindset never changes.
For a brief snapshot of where it is today, try this article. Note that Congregationalist and Puritan are basically synonyms, and American Unitarianism is a spinoff of Congregationalism. Of course, these belief systems have evolved since the time when these labels meant anything. Since the s they have merged into one warm, mushy, NPR-flavored whole, which we here at UR sometimes refer to as Universalism.
Michael Lerner is perhaps the ultimate Universalist. Thus we see the whole, awful picture merge together. It is Cthulhu. We live in an actual , genuine, functioning if hardly healthy, 21st-century Puritan theocracy. What this means is that you can trust hardly any of your beliefs. You were educated by this system, which purports to be a truth machine but is clearly nothing of the sort. Since the US is not the Soviet Union, hard scientific facts — physics, chemistry, and biology, are unlikely to be wrong. But the Soviet Union actually did pretty well with hard science.
Other than that, you have no rational reason to trust anything coming out of the Cathedral — that is, the universities and press. You have no more reason to trust these institutions than you have to trust, say, the Vatican. In fact, they are motivated to mislead you in ways that the Vatican is not, because the Vatican does not have deep, murky, and self-serving connections in the Washington bureaucracy.
They claim to be truth machines. The Cathedral, with its informal union of church and state, is positioned perfectly. It has all the advantages of being a formal arm of government, and none of the disadvantages. Because it formulates public policy, it is best considered our ultimate governing organ, but it certainly bears no responsibility for the success or failure of said policy. Worst of all, this system is not a new one. It dates at least to FDR. Nor was the one before that — etc. If you want to be completely disillusioned with mythic Americana, I recommend Peter Oliver. The problem is much, much older and deeper than you think.
But it still happens to be true. This is slightly daunting. But only slightly. We have not even gotten to the active ingredient in our red pill yet — certainly not that awful sodium core. We have presented an alternate picture of reality, in which you live not in the free, post-Orwellian world, but in an Orwellian mind-control state which is a nasty, nasty hangover from the old, weird past. To verify this conviction, however, we need to catch said mind-control state in the act of actually controlling our minds.
If we see discrepancies, we confirm the Orwellian interpretation. If we see no discrepancies, perhaps the Cathedral is just a truth machine after all. The red pill will then be in your possession, and all you need to do is swallow it. And yes, I know, I promised to respond to the comments on the Patchwork series. I will spend one more week, only, on this introduction, and then get to it.
We have swallowed the red pill, which now makes its way to the stomach. The coating dissolves. The rotor spins up and the device begins to operate. Inside, the sodium-metal core remains intact. And we begin the treatment. Of course, you came to us. So the worm must be a little loose already, or otherwise unwell. UR is a scientific operation. Everyone gets the same cuts on the same dots. Continue reading at your own risk. It might hurt a little. It is not the sodium core. We are certainly not solving the problem here and now. Yet our point is a substantial one, and detaching it should give us plenty of slack to pull on.
And how will we accomplish this? By the most orthodox of scholarly methods. The only tools in our little black bag are a primary sources , b forgotten works by reputable historians of the present, and c modern works by respected academics. At least, not one that works. You just have to paddle out faster than the crazy, roaring mess can push you in. But shortboards are for teenagers. Similarly, there is no magic key to history. If you want to make up your own mind about the past, you cannot do so by going there. So you have to find sources you trust. Our point is the conflict you call the American Revolution.
For a quick self-test, ask yourself how close you are to agreeing with the following statement. Everything I know about the American Revolution is bullshit. It is bullshit. If it uses any factual misstatements, it uses them very sparsely. If it has any resemblance to reality, the match is a coincidence. This mix hardens quickly, can support tremendous architectural loads, and looks like marble from a distance. When I find out, or at least flatter myself that I have found out, the actual picture behind my 10th-grade matte-painting view of some event, I am always reminded of something that happened to me in 10th grade.
Presumably in a desperate attempt to familiarize myself with actual American culture. And that was basically it for Cyndi Lauper. This is the difference between real history and antihistory: the difference between Mick Jagger and Cyndi Lauper. Of course, unlike Cyndi Lauper, antihistorical bullshit has an adaptive function.
It exists to fill the hole in your head where the actual story should be. If everything you know about the American Revolution is bullshit, you know nothing about the American Revolution. This is the basic technique of misdirection, popular with magicians everywhere since time immemorial. At present you believe that, in the American Revolution, good triumphed over evil. This is the aforementioned aggregate. In the terms of the time, at present you are a Patriot and pejoratively a Whig.
After this initial subprocedure you will be a Loyalist and pejoratively a Tory. Obviously, a challenging surgical outcome. If not now, when? Your modern academic historian as opposed to his more numerous colleague, the modern academic antihistorian is terribly good at this trick of dousing inconvenient truths in a freezing, antiseptic bucket of professional neutrality.
It was black and white. It was just black and white in the other direction. How on earth can we possibly convince you of this? No actual incision is needed. The metaphor is just a metaphor. Relax and breathe into the mask. His name is Thomas Hutchinson , and he is the outstanding Loyalist figure of the prerevolutionary era. His Strictures upon the Declaration of the Congress at Philadelphia is here. It is not long. Please do him the courtesy of reading it in full, then continue below.
Well, the first thing you notice is: before today, you had never read it. Or even heard of it. Or probably even its author. What is the ratio of the number of people who have read the Declaration to the number who have read the Strictures? Something like that. The second thing we notice about the Strictures is its tone — very different from the Declaration. The Declaration shouts at us. The Strictures talk to us. Hutchinson speaks quietly, with just the occasional touch of snark. He adopts the general manner of a sober adult trapped in an elevator with a drunk, knife-wielding teenager.
Sorry — just checking , we would expect some cleverness from the Devil. Everyone knows this is the way you win an argument, right or wrong. But still — why would Congress make it so easy? Why are we getting stomped like this? Because ouch, man, that was painful. The third thing we notice is that Hutchinson actually explains the Declaration. As he begins:. I know of no new offices erected in America in the present reign, except those of the Commissioners of the Customs and their dependents.
Thirty or forty additional officers in the whole Continent, are the Swarms which eat out the substance of the boasted number of three millions of people. The first in order, He has refused his assent to laws the most wholesome and necessary for the public good ; is of so general a nature, that it is not possible to conjecture to what laws or to what Colonies it refers. I remember no laws which any Colony has been restrained from passing, so as to cause any complaint of grievance, except those for issuing a fraudulent paper currency, and making it a legal tender; but this is a restraint which for many years past has been laid on Assemblies by an act of Parliament, since which such laws cannot have been offered to the King for his allowance.
I therefore believe this to be a general charge, without any particulars to support it; fit enough to be placed at the head of a list of imaginary grievances. What is this fraudulent paper currency? Hutchinson is referring to this episode. The experienced UR reader may well ask: what is it with America and paper money? What really happened is that You think of it as a deep moral statement, about humanity, or something. Nonetheless, it does contain a list of particulars.
Which should not surprise us. What we learn from the Strictures is that, as in the rest of American history, there is absolutely no guarantee that a detailed and rational argument about a substantive factual question will prevail, whether through means military, political, or educational, over a meretricious tissue of lies. Perhaps Hutchinson is yanking our chain, and King George really did dispatch hordes of ravenous bureaucrats to America, etc, etc. But one would expect to have seen the point at least disputed. But, okay. We are still Patriots.
Hutchinson and Peter Oliver died in exile. The copy on archive. I recommend downloading the PDF. If Hutchinson has already sold you on Toryism, great. As Oliver writes:. Methinks Sir! I hear you ask me, why all this Introduction? Why so long a Porch before the Building is reached? I was very willing to answer your Request. I, on my Part, must ask you to oblige me, by permitting me, in the epistolary Walks, to indulge my Fancy in the Choice of my Path. The tone, as we see, is almost postmodern. This is a man you could have a beer with.
Even from the strongest revolutionary characters, TJ and John Adams, it is hard to get such a three-dimensional presence. The past, as they say, is a foreign country. This is roughly how we intend to convert you into a Loyalist. As Oliver puts it:. I shall next give you a Sketch of some of Mr. His beer sucks, too. Here I am almost necessarily led into a Digression upon Mr.
Adams as the Rattles are affixed to the Tail of the Rattle Snake. Hancock was the Son of a dissenting Clergyman, whose Circumstances in Life were not above Mediocrity, but he had a rich Uncle. His understanding was of the Dwarf Size; but his Ambition, upon the Accession to so great an Estate, was upon the Gigantick. But Mr. Put your John Hancock on that! It means he was a Dissenter — ie, a Puritan, and thus a member of what Mr. Otis called his black Regiment. The Olivers and Hutchinsons were Anglicans.
Read the whole thing. Consider it a small revenge on your 10th-grade history teacher. And chuckle along with Peter Oliver, when he writes:. I have done Sir! Black humor — cheap black humor — from the 18th century. And there is more to Oliver than his Portraits. An Opportunity now offered for them to convince Government of their Influence: as Seizure had been made by breaking open a Store, agreeable to act of Parliament; it was contested in the supreme Court, where Mr. Hutchinson praesided. The Seizure was adjudged legal by the whole Court. This raised Resentment against the Judges.
One of the Riotors declared, the next morning, that the first Places which they looked into were the Beds, in Order to murder the Children. All this was Joy to Mr. But a grave old Gentleman thought it more than diabolical; for upon viewing the Ruins, on the next Day, he made this Remark, vizt. If you want to know how decent people can support evil, find a mirror.
Enough of Peter Oliver. Perhaps he is just not your style, and you remain a Patriot. In that case, there is no further escape. I regret to report that there is no such thing as a neutral primary source. Charles Stedman, though, is Colonel Stedman to you. Not only was he a Colonel in the British Army, he was born in Philadelphia — and commanded a Loyalist corps against the rebel forces. Moreover, he is a trained lawyer and clearly has read his Thucydides, of whom his tone and content are quite reminiscent.
Like Governor Hutchinson, he lets only a few cold digs slip through. The following is a fair sample:. When the assembly of this province [Massachusetts, of course] met in the month of January , the governor [Hutchinson] probably intending to give them an opportunity, if they were so disposed, of doing away the evil impressions which might have been made by the unqualified resolutions of the town meeting at Boston, took occasion in his speech to insist on the supreme legislative authority of the king and parliament. But if he hoped to benefit government by bringing on this discussion, he was entirely disappointed.
The assembly, instead of endeavouring to moderate and qualify the doctrines contained in the resolutions of the town meeting, seized the opportunity of the address which was to be presented, to fix them more firmly and in their utmost extent. This address also recapitulated a number of new grievances which had not heretofore been complained of.
And such was its improper tendency, even in the opinion of the Assembly, upon cooler reflection, that six months after, in a letter to the earl of Dartmouth, Secretary of State for American affairs, they thought it necessary to apologize for it, imputing the blame of their intemperate proceedings to their governor, who had unnecessarily brought the subject of parliamentary authority under their consideration. Trust me: if you have actually read all three of these selections, you will be under no illusion whatsoever as to what style is, or is not, truly characteristic of puritanical duplicity.
If not, please do so. Feel free to stop reading Colonel Stedman as soon as you are sold, or if you get to the point where the war has actually started and you still are not sold. In that case, we move on to the secondary sources: W. And if you are still a Patriot after that, we have to get into the tertiary sources. You are poffeffed of an unusually thick Skull — not unlike yr. Indeed Samuel Johnson put it best: the Devil was the first Whig. And to him with you Sir! For the Remedy hath failed.
Otherwise, congratulations on completing the first step of the procedure. Also, we need to quickly install your new Tory history. The outcome of our little reading list is that, if even a tenth of what Hutchinson, Oliver and Stedman say is true, your desire to remain a Whig is now somewhere between your desire to join the Crips and your desire to volunteer for the Waffen SS.
Whereas you formerly thought of the values of the American Revolution as liberty, truth and justice, you now see the hallmarks of the American Rebellion as thuggery, treason, and — above all — hypocrisy. Therefore, since you can no longer be a Whig, you have no option but to become a Tory. The conflict was, after all, a war. No one was neutral. There is no third side. But what — since we are now Tories — actually happened? What truth are we to install in the freshly-scraped neural cavity?
What happened is that the executive cohesion of Great Britain had weakened considerably since the golden age of Pitt. For most of the 18th century, there was no such thing as a Tory in British politics. The country was a one-party Whig state. The event that triggered the Rebellion was an attempt by certain elements of the British leadership, a group not at that time distinguished by any great talent, to restore full lawful authority to the American colonies.
Moreover, Massachusetts in particular was swarming with unreconstructed Puritans, who had never been properly disciplined for the failure of the previous republican revolution. In contrast to the home country, which had enjoyed 28 years of restored Stuart rule, the attempted New England restoration of the Andros period had lasted only three years, at which point it was terminated by the treasonous Whig coup of George III never pretended to anything like Stuart authority, but he was making the last ever attempt to render the British monarchy a serious arm of politics.
Therefore, everyone had a reason to do what they did. The King and his friends had a reason to try to reassert authority over the colonies. The colonies had a reason to try for independence. Note, however, that the law was entirely on the side of the former. This gave the rebellion the generally mendacious and criminal quality described above, which is why we are Tories.
The rebels could rebel or they could think, speak and write honestly, but not both. Humans being what they are, it is not terribly surprising that quite a few took the former path.
Fortunately, this included many individuals of genuine character and substance, such as George Washington and John Adams, who may have been deluded by ideology but were not seduced by cupidity. Most of history consists of going around in circles, learning nothing. As Colonel Stedman says, the rebels could and should have been crushed easily. In a fair fight, their real chances against the British military were slim to none.
As the Union later found, suppressing guerrilla warfare, even in the wilds of North America, is not difficult given sufficient energy. Britain failed because it lacked that crucial ingredient in every war: the will to win. Britain in the Revolution was politically divided. Large numbers of mainstream political figures — most famously, both Pitt and Burke — sympathized with the Americans. Moreover, although the tea outrage finally created a nominal consensus for a military response, and finally made it imprudent for a British politician to openly urge surrender, a new lobby developed which urged conciliation, conciliation, and more conciliation.
What we see, in other words, is the familiar pattern of two conflicting prescriptions for maintaining the integrity of the state. The Whig prescription says: conciliate the truculent, assuage their grievances whether real or feigned, loosen the ropes at every complaint. The Tory prescription says: enforce the law, and do not bend an inch in response to violence or any other extralegal pressure. As Oliver puts it p. With our corrected Tory vision, we see the answer clearly. First internal taxation is a violation of American rights, then all taxation, then all parliamentary legislation.
The only actual principle that can be discerned is one of unremitting chutzpah and hypocrisy. The relationship between Britain and Massachusetts, in particular, was much like that between a parent and a teenager. Independence or loyalty: it could go either way, at least for the moment. Scenario: your teenager starts cutting class. So you take her car keys away. So she throws your widescreen TV out the window. So you give her car keys back. Is this pattern of behavior more likely to result in independence, or loyalty? But this is basically the American policy that the Whigs prescribed.
For example, General Howe among other British military figures is known to have had strong Whig sympathies. His role in America was also twofold: he was there to either defeat the rebels, or make peace with them. Obviously, the latter would have been greatly to his political advantage. Whether his failures in the war were the result of this conflict of interest, or of simple incompetence, can never be known. But the former is surely a reasonable suspicion. The pain of recording that spirit of faction, indecision, indolence, luxury, and corruption, which disgraced our public conduct during the course of the American war What, from the historiographic perspective, is particularly galling, is that the explanation that was generally accepted, even in Britain, for most of the 19th century is the Whig one.
The rebellion succeeded not because it was not dealt with quickly and decisively, but because the Americans were not conciliated enough. Alternatively, it succeeded because the Americans were militarily invincible — another common Whig trope. This is the secret of puritanical duplicity: no shame, none whatsoever. Every quack who hopes to outlast chance must learn the trick. Never concede error. Counter every criticism with a barrage of even more gloriously inflated claims.
You can see why the likes of Hutchinson and Oliver had no chance at all against the black Regiment. Evil is typically more powerful than good. Bad men delight in weapons that good men spurn. Success in past conflicts, political or military, is not Bayesian evidence of moral superiority. It is just the opposite. Presumably the counter-democratic nature of the latter is obvious, if not definitive. In retrospect, your former support for the Whig cause was a classic received opinion, installed without any sort of thought on your part. In other words, it is not something you were reasoned into.
If you think of Patriot v. There was never any need. The annelid just raised your hand to convict. Megaloponera foetens , thy name is you. Note, from an almost military perspective, the curious weakness of your convictions in this regard. Your attachment to the Patriot cause seemed rock-solid.
But it disintegrated on contact with the enemy. It was all hat and no cattle. But our red pill is most certainly not an information-warfare device — at least, not a democratic one. It is a tool for your personal enlightenment only. As we can see easily from this first target. If UR were, say, a political party, would the first plank in our platform be repudiation of the American Revolution? This should attract about twelve supporters, all of whom are homeless schizophrenics. It will repel many more, of course.
Of course, this only makes it easier for you to swallow the red pill. The parasite has strong defenses against most attacks of this kind — certainly all which are of democratic relevance. This position is intellectually significant, yet undefended because of its negative political value. Reversing this one point is not sufficient to replace your entire picture of American history.
Some may prefer this outcome. You now have two realities in your head. You have the reality in which there was an American Revolution, which was a triumph for liberty, truth and justice. You may no longer believe in this reality, but you have no way to forget it. And you have the reality in which there was an American Rebellion, which was a triumph for thuggery, treason, and hypocrisy. So, for example, we can now then ask the question: in the second narrative, the one in which the American Rebellion was a disaster, what is happening in ? Whatever the answer is, the two seem quite unlikely to have converged.
The story of the American Rebellion, as told by Hutchinson, Oliver, and Stedman, is hardly without lessons for today. An outrage! Indeed, by many reasonable standards, an outrage. To us, of Planet Earth — jaywalking. Not everyone has a natural knack for self-directed neurosurgery. Realistically — there are probably a few antennae, tentacles or hyphae left in the cavity. But this is okay: we just need a hole to dig in. You may not be completely sold, you may not see how simple and obviously right the Loyalist story of the American Rebellion is, but you can see how a reasonable person might see things that way.
But the Loyalist perspective remains an isolated outlier. Everything else you believe about reality is consistent with the American Revolution. With the American Rebellion — maybe not so much.
Our goal today is to slide a hemostat jaw into this little tear between your parasite and the endogenous neural tissue, grab the former by its dorsal fin, and pull. There may be bleeding. In other words: Loyalism gives us an extremely foreign perspective of the present world. There are no other Loyalists in So, when we think as Loyalists, we have no choice but to think for ourselves. What should a Loyalist make of X, or Y, or Z, in ? Can we imagine his reaction? We can try. Second, perform the standard counterfactual exercise of imagining what an intact British Empire would look like in Third, imagine the counterfactual universe invents some device that can send invisible observers into our , and make a documentary for the edification of the Imperial audience — showing this awful alternate , in which the Massachusetts disturbances of the s were not quashed with firm, manly vigour.
These variants are only for battle-hardened space admirals. Each of these acronyms represents, so far as I can tell, a democratic feedback loop between public misperception and official malpractice. In other words: between lies and evil. Lies persuade well-intentioned voters to support policies which are in fact evil. Evil, being evil, has both the power and the incentive to maintain the lies. These new policies are every bit as far off the institutional map of your present government as Loyalism is off its political map, and they are not likely to happen.
If you find yourself liking them — tough. There is no surprise behind this acronym. You probably already have an opinion about AGW. Adopting the pejorative tone we are shortly to encounter, and reflecting it in the opposite direction, we can call a believer in the organized scientific consensus behind AGW an AGW credulist. An unbeliever, of course, is an AGW denialist. There is no moderate position on AGW. One of the two sides is extremely right, and the other is extremely wrong.
I like using pejorative terms for both, because one will turn out to be hip and ironic, and the other will turn out to be richly deserved. Almost every denialist argument will eventually devolve into a conspiracy. This is because denialist theories that oppose well-established science eventually need to assert deception on the part of their opponents to explain things like why every reputable scientist, journal, and opponent seems to be able to operate from the same page. But how could it be possible, for instance, for nearly every scientist in a field be working together to promote a falsehood?
People who believe this is possible simply have no practical understanding of how science works as a discipline. A fabulous question. But for now, keep the suspense. Dear reader, if you are comfortable with this tone, I suggest you read the entire post linked above. It has lots of good information about denialists, cranks, and other enemies of science.
Calaméo - [conspiracy] The Secrets of the Mojave
That means your head is screwed on right. Warning: this may increase your heart rate. Like most syndromes, ASS is a collection of symptoms that individually may not be serious, but taken together can be quite dangerous — at least it can be dangerous to the health and well-being of humanity if enough people actually believe the victims. One tell-tale symptom of ASS is that a website or a writer focuses their climate attacks on non-scientists. If that non-scientist is Al Gore, this symptom alone may be definitive.
The other key symptoms involve the repetition of long-debunked denier talking points, commonly without links to supporting material. Such repetition, which can border on the pathological, is a clear warning sign. Scientists who kept restating and republishing things that had been widely debunked in the scientific literature for many, many years would quickly be diagnosed with ASS.
If you suspect someone of ASS, look for the repeated use of the following phrases: [ Individually, some of these words and phrases are quite useful and indeed are commonly used by both scientists and non-scientists who are not anti-science. But the use of more than half of these in a single speech or article is pretty much a definitive diagnosis of ASS. When someone repeats virtually all of those phrases, along with multiple references to Al Gore, they are wholly a victim of ASS — in scientific circles they are referred to as ASS-wholes.
Gore: Apology Accepted. As deniers or ASS-wholes go, Ambler is quite lame. Separate from his long list of long-debunked denier talking points, who could possibly take seriously somebody who wrote the following:. It is the biggest whopper ever sold to the public in the history of humankind. Such a statement is anti-scientific and anti-science in the most extreme sense.
Now, as Loyalists, what do you hear when you hear this tone? I know what I hear. The distinctive whining scream of the Puritan, speaking power to truth as is his usual fashion. Recognizable in any century. Follow those last two links above, if you dare. What we see quickly is that, at least as regards AGW, we live in what might be called a scientific theocracy. You cannot slip a sheet of paper between Science and State. They are one and the same. Especially with our new, improved, pro-science administration , the only legitimate source of public policy on AGW happens to be Professor Hansen is a fine example.
Note that, if we substitute Science for Scripture, this is exactly the political structure of your Puritan theocracy, or your Persian theocracy for that matter. The same experts perform the intellectual analysis and dictate the resulting policies. Simple, clean, no muss, no fuss. Of course, there is a considerable difference between Science and Scripture. And what, exactly, is that difference? We shall see in a moment. More suspense.
As always for the historian and general student of reality, the first question becomes: do we trust these people? It is possible that Science is such powerful juju that untrustworthy people, so long as they are Scientists, can be trusted. On the other hand, we would certainly want some support for this claim.
Dear reader, I invite you to test your critical faculties on the effusion above. Does it strike you as trustworthy? But fortunately, we are operating not in the past but in the present, and not in the domain of history but that of geophysics. We have more to go on. The author of Climate Progress is one Joseph Romm. Who is Joseph Romm? War-date autograph document signed "A.
Lincoln pens: "Allow this man to take the oath of Dec. Lincoln Feb. Autograph note signed "A. President Lincoln writes a pass for a lady to visit her brother, who is a prisoner of war: "Allow Mr. Many of the Confederate prisoners held at Fort Delaware were captured at Gettysburg. Accompanied by a carte de visite of President Lincoln with backstamp of E. Circuit Court case of Cochran and Hall v.
Camp et. Lincoln endorses the plaintiffs'notice of application for dedimus a writ to commission private persons to do some act in place of a judge, such as examine a witness. Lincoln writes: "We acknowledge service of the above on this 26 day of Feb. Lincoln's association with Herndon continued until Lincoln's death.
Check signed as President, 3 x 7" Washington, D. Bank stamp does not touch the bold signature; cancellation perforations barely touch the tops of three letters. Checks signed by McKinley while President are scarce. Monroe, James 5th President of the United States Countersigned by Land Commissioner Josiah Meigs, whose signature is very light. Age yellowing; slight fading to a few manuscript words, some edge chips and a couple of tiny holes in the vellum. Wafer seal is intact and Monroe's signature is about medium boldness.
Written on blue paper, the document reads, "The replication of Mary Jane Beard to the answer of Martin Beard to her Bill for Divorce exhibited in the McLean county circuit court, and removed there by by [sic] change of venue to the circuit court of the court of Champaign. The document has slightly shifted and needs readjustment.
Madison, James 4th President of the United States Norfolk [Philadelphia is written, then marked out] Virginia. Docket notes, "From Mr. Madison -- March -- Washington. Nixon, Richard 37th President of the United States The oath is dated January 20, , and says: "I, Richard Milhous Nixon, do solemnly swear that I will faithfully execute the office of President of the United States, and will to the best of my ability preserve, protect and defend the Constitution of the United States. Nixon, Richard M. To Arthur F. Day in Hermosa Beach, California, thanking him for his help in insuring that California voted overwhelmingly for Eisenhower and assuring him that "Pat and I want you to know that our friends in California will always be first in our thoughts.
Pierce, Franklin 14th President of the United States Yellow envelope free franked "Franklin Pierce" and addressed in Pierce's hand to "D. With blue circular cancellation, "Andova MS. Nov 1 Light soiling, else fine. Nixon, Richard. White House envelope free franked in upper right corner, postmarked Oct. Boldly signed in black ink. Six Crises, First Edition, signed on the title page in blue ink. Housed in a custom-made case with beige linen covers and black leather label. Polk, James K. Autograph letter signed as a member of the U. Laughlin, editor of the pro-Jackson newspaper, the Nashville Union, regarding a letter written by Speaker of the House John Bell, Polk's long-time rival, to the Nashville Republican, denying that he opposed President Jackson.
Jackson had made it clear that he wanted Martin Van Buren to succeed him as President, but many southern Democrats, Bell among them, sought the nomination of Hugh Lawson White. Polk writes in part: "The last Republican containing Mr. Bell's letter was received here last night. It is doubtless intended to be the precursor of a controversy, an object of which is to force Johnson to publish the correspondence and thus make him and us the assailants. This Mr. If it be published He will then be the assailant and cannot complain that he is attacked.
The allusion which he makes He ends with, "Burn this letter as soon as read. Written during Polk's battle for House leadership, a battle he had lost in to fellow Tennessean John Bell. I have seen Col Saml. Mitchell, who wishes you to impress on Mr. Mitchell is of opinion that by acting prudently he will succeed. He is very anxious that he should do so, and Mr. I write you this I will start home this evening, and will be in Nashville on Monday evening Burn this. He served as Speaker of the House from to Very good; a few archival fold repairs, minor tipping remnant, and light soiling.
To John W. Fords, Esqr. In part: "Since writing to you proposing appointments I have learned that President Tyler has recommended the day preferred for Woodbury-- Friday the 14th May as one of fasting and prayer throughout the U. Upon learning this fact my opinion is that it would not be proper for me to address the people on that day. I have to request therefore that you will countermand the notices for I rely upon you to give the notices for Van Buren Can you meet me at V.
Court House on the 12th? The finest spirit prevails in this Democratic region. Jones defeated Polk in this election and, again, two years later. Polk went on to bigger things, winning the Democratic nomination for President in and defeating Henry Clay in the general election. Letter and address are silked from verso, else very good. President Polk writes an endorsement in the middle of the page: "Mr. Siga has furnished me with a pair of spectacles which I think superior to any I have ever used.
At Mr. Siga's request I make this statement. Rusk, who played an important role in the annexation of Texas and served as president of the commission which drew up that state's constitution, wrote a testimonial above Polk's. Dallas, future Vice President William R. King under Franklin Pierce , and other politicians, such as J. Crittenden, Benjamin Fitzpatrick, and Charles L. Longstreet, author of Georgia's first important literary work, also signed.
Paper is toned brown, silked from verso and has a couple of tiny holes from ink corrosion. A most unusual presidential document. Reagan, Ronald 40th President of the United States Bank stamp and mark affect the "R" in Ronald, otherwise fine. In Reagan was elected as president of the Screen Actors Guild and served in that position until , then once again in Reagan, Ronald.
Book plate personally signed by President Reagan with a simulated Great Seal and "An American Life," the title of his autobiography, imprinted on it, as well as one of Ronald Reagan's personal note cards engraved with his name and the Seal. The book plates were created and signed to be attached to a copy of President Reagan's autobiography.
Autograph note signed "RR" on the business card of the publisher of the National Review magazine. President Reagan wrote, "For anyone who wants it. I've seen this issue already. RR" The card, which has the typed instruction, "For President Reagan's personal use," is stapled to the cover page of the September 16, issue. Reagan enjoyed reading the magazine and was a big admirer of William Buckley and William Rusher.
When he finished reading the magazine, he usually passed it around to his staff so they could also enjoy it. Presidential post-it with original signature, 3 x 4", printed with the Presidential Seal and "President Ronald Reagan" at the top. Affixed but easily removed to one of Ronald Reagan's personal note cards engraved with his name and the Seal. When President Reagan left the White House to attend public events, he was constantly asked for his autograph.
Because he hated to disappoint anyone, he would always try to accommodate these requests, much to the dismay of the Secret Service and the Advance staff trying to keep the event on time. When made aware of this problem, the President came up with the idea to sign some of his presidential post-its before he left for the event. He kept a pad in his suit jacket pocket and when approached for an autograph, he simply pulled out the post-it pad and peeled off a sheet and handed it to a surprised admirer, then continued on to his event.
Just six weeks before the outbreak of World War II, President Roosevelt writes a letter to a close friend of his and Eleanor's and encloses a letter for her to present to Joseph Kennedy, the American ambassador in London. To Mrs. I do hope everything will be quiet this summer and that you will have a delightful trip.
- La Virgen Morena (Spanish Edition)?
- Between Eternities: On the Tradition of Political Philosophy!
Good who is taking this abroad with her. She is a very old friend of Eleanor's and mine - and in case anything blows up in England while she is there, I know you will do your best. What could Roosevelt possibly have been thinking to allow anyone, much less a close personal friend, to go to Europe at this time?
German had already seized Czechoslovakia on March 15, , and Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain had guaranteed that England would come to Poland's aid in the event of a similar attack. The President certainly knew that the Europe was teetering on the brink of war. We wonder what happened to Mrs. Unless her visit was a short one, which was not usual in the days of transatlantic ship journeys, she must have been stranded after Germany invaded Poland on September 1 and Great Britain declared war on Germany on September 3, Roosevelt, Franklin D.
Written to Mr. Van Ness, indicating FDR's willingness to reengage in civic events once again, after his early battles with polio or what was thought to be polio at the time : "Your letter has been forwarded to me down here, and as I fully expect to be home again by the middle of May, I shall be very glad to come to the exercises of the Rhinebeck on Decoration Day.
Smith as the presidential candidate for the Democratic party. Smith did not receive the nomination until , but FDR's speech wowed the crowd and signaled his return to politics. He was elected governor of New York in , then President in This letter is written from the place he went to fight his paralysis and where he would die 21 years later, and is an indication of his determination to once again enter the public arena.
Light toning and minor blemishes in upper left corner, else fine. Miniature Spanish prayer book signed in blue ink on a front flyleaf, "Franklin D. Roosevelt my cousin's book ," n. Roosevelt No. Above FDR's signature is an earlier owner's name. Original leather covers are somewhat scuffed. The small volume is housed in a custom-made, recessed case, light brown cloth with black label and gilt lettering.
Do send a line some day to Gordon Foster, he so often speaks of you and Franklin. I wish I could be there too. I hope you will see a Harvard victory, but so far Yale seems to have much the stronger team. Write me soon. I miss you much. Your devoted Father. John, like all the Roosevelt sons, attended Groton class of and Harvard A. John and Franklin Jr. John served in the U. Navy during World War II, being discharged in as a lieutenant commander. He was involved in business on the West Coast until , at which time he and his family moved to Stone Cottage, next to his mother's home at Val-Kill Eleanor died in He married twice and had four children.
Typed letter signed as President, 1 page, on official White House stationery, 9 x 7", Jan. Outstanding content regarding " The Dutchess County Historical Society, which we organized a few years ago, is making a collection Roosevelt lists four books, with their list number and price. The subject matter of the four books is "War of Two autograph letters, one signed "Franklin D. The first is dated Nov. Fine; file holes in left margins do not affect signatures. Photo by Elias Goldensky, a prominent portrait photographer in Philadelphia, who signed in pencil with the date "33" at lower right.
The ink in the inscription is darker than the ink in the signature. Once scratch in the emulsion. One light scratch in the upper left background, otherwise a beautiful chest-length portrait of FDR. Roosevelt, Theodore 26th President of the United States Fine; light toning. Roosevelt made numerous holograph corrections in this letter to Charles Sumner Bird, a candidate for Massachusetts Governor he lost , as Roosevelt prepared to leave for South America. The content of this letter is superb. Over a year has passed since we founded the Progressive Party Massachusetts has always taken the lead foro the right in every great crisis of our history I make my appeal for your election not only to all the men who supported the Progressive ticket last year, but to all I appeal to Last year the bosses of the Republican Party stole from the rank and file of the Republican Party their right to nominate their own ticket and to enunciate their own platform.
They turned the Republican Party with its back squarely to the principles of Abraham Lincoln and delivered it bound and shackled into the hands of those who are the enemies of every principle that Lincoln professed and practiced. These men have the Republican Party absolutely in their grip today. One of the prime agents in the theft lasy [sic] year was Mr. Lorimer of Illinois, and it was the Lorimer men who succeeded in breaking the deadlock in the Illinois Legislature by securing an alliance between the Republicans and Democrats against the Progressives As for the good and honest men and women who make up the rank and file of the Democratic Party, I ask them in their turn to consider what has been done by the Democratic machines in all the States of the Union Finally, to all independent citizens, and to all party men who put country above party The bosses have long counted upon the fact that revolt against boss domination in one party could only find expression in seating in power the boss-controlled opposition party.
In the last analysis, the bosses on the two old parties work together You can crush the boss system You can express your abhorrence of the politicians who win power and position through promises which with cynical indifference they repudiate as soon as elected. You can work for far-reaching measures of social and industrial reform, for genuine popular rule, and for the exercise of this rule in a spirit of justice to all our people, business men, farmers and wageworkers alike Taft, William H. Check signed "Wm H. Bank stamps and perforations do not affect Taft's signature.
Roosevelt, Theodore. Photograph inscribed and signed as President on the lower mount, "To Earl H. Smith with best wishes from Theodore Roosevelt Oct 28th ," 8x 6". Blind embossed stamp of C. Bell, Washington, D. A handsome, waist-length portrait. Light toning to mount, else fine. With the original envelope addressed in his hand to Mrs. Edward K. In part: "Mr. Hall and I caught the train handily and rode together to the City of Brotherly Love where he deserted me. I write to thank you for your delightful care of me while in Montclair. The arrangements you and Mr. Hall made for my comfort were perfect.
The problem of getting two heavy bags and a portfolio from 36 W. New York to Montclair staggered me Autograph note signed "Wm H. Also signed by First Lady Helen H. Written on a deckle-edged card to Miss Mary Cornelia Day, "with best wishes for her speedy recovery and with the earnest hope that her life may be lengthened and be as free from pain as possible from two of her well wishers. Typed letter signed as President, on pale mint green The White House stationery, 1 page plus blank integral leaf, 9 x 7", Washington, January 8, As Truman prepares to leave the presidency, he writes to Attorney General J.
Howard McGrath: "The beautiful silver desk set which the Cabinet gave me for Christmas is somethingwhich will always be one of my treasured possessions. I am deeply grateful to each one of you for this thoughtful act of friendship Both fine. Taylor, Zachary 12th President of the United States Autograph letter signed "Z.
Taylor" 1 page, 10 x 8", "Near Rodney Mississippi," Jan. A letter of commendation to General Persifer F. Smith, praising Smith's service in the Second Seminole War Boldly penned and signed in blue ink. After defeating the Seminoles at the Battle of Okeechobee Dec. The difficulties with Great Britain to which Taylor probably refers were resolved with the Webster-Ashburton Treaty , which settled most of the boundary line Oregon excepted between Canada and the U.
Smith would go on to serve with distinction in the Mexican War. Truman, Harry S. Howard McGrath from Harry S. Independence, August 18, Half leather. Orginal case shows wear; housed in a black cloth and marbled paper custom-made case with black leather label. Truman appointed him U. Attorney General in and he served until , when Truman asked him to resign because he would not cooperate with a corruption scandal in his department.
In spite of this, the two men obviously remained friendly. Lightly toned; perforations do not affect Truman's signature. This early check was signed between Truman's post as judge for the Eastern District of Jackson and his election in as presiding judge of the county. Truman sold memberships for the Kansas City Automobile Club during part of this time. Photograph inscribed and signed, "Kindest regards to Samuel T. A seated three-quarter portrait of the dapper "Give'em Hell Harry. Very good; light overall toning; damp staining to right edge of matte does not touch letter.
Tyler, John. Welford, stating " I have no recollection of having received the intelligence in regard to Mr. Yates to which you allude. If I did receive any such information, I certainly communicated it to Mr. Wise, and may have done so without at this time remembering it. A letter to Mr. Wise would doubtless be responded to promptly Tyler autograph letters signed as President are scarce.
Accompanied by an engraving of Tyler. Henry Wise worked to secure Tyler's election as Vice President in Tyler appointed Wise as United States minister to Brazil in , where he served until Tyler, John 10th President of the United States Autograph letter signed "J. Tyler" as President, 1 page, with integral address leaf, 10 x 8", n.
Bryan would seem to have been badly treated. The record will best speak for itself. Bryan" and "Mr. Bryan denied to be restored to the service. To an unidentified correspondent: In part: "I wish you would pay the amount of the Secretary of the Navys taxes on his house My health is improving but poor Col. Trimble it is understood is dying Accompanied by an engraving of van Buren. Van Buren, Martin. Folded letter cover free franked "J. Tyler" , 3 x 5" folded, Jan. Addressed in Tyler's hand to "Thomas Page Esqr.
Oldenburg is a historical state in present-day Germany. It has been a county, a country, a duchy and a grand duchy, which it became in and was when President van Buren signed this document. Oldenburg joined the German Empire in , then in it became a free state within the Weimar Republic. To Col. Clement Biddle who, at the time of this letter, worked at his family's import-export business in Philadelphia. Washington writes: "This letter serves to acknowledge the receipt of your favor of the 13th inst.
It contains two window curtains which I pray you to get new dyed of the same colour green and return them to me as soon as may be. I am obliged by your care of my letters; and thank you for the attention paid to the other requests of my former letter. The price of Mr. Howells leather is not cheaper than it is sold for in Alexandria; and the freight would make it come higher. I am Dr. Sir yr. G:o Washington. The largest room in Mount Vernon, it was within the walls of that room that Washington was informed that he had been elected the first President of the United States and in that same room that his body would lie in state following his death.
The letter is beautifully penned and signed, with normal age toning. The address leaf is free franked "Free G:o Washington" at lower left of address panel and the address is written in Washington's hand: "Col. Seal tear at upper margin affects nothing; remnants of red wax seal on docket. Contemporary figures at top and bottom, possibly Biddle figuring the cost of dyeing the curtains!
A most historic letter. Washington, George. Clem Biddle Philadelphia. Minor waterstaining. Ideal for display. Wilson, Woodrow 28th President of the United States To Hamilton Holt , editor and publisher of the liberal weekly The Independent and a founder of the NAACP, responding to a letter from Holt in which he stated that in light of French General Ferdinand Foch having been de facto supreme commander of Allied forces during World War I, Congress should consider offering him, upon his visit to the U.
Wilson responds angrily: " I was entirely disillusioned about him while I was in France. He proved himself in the Peace negotiations the most difficult obstacle to a peaceful settlement For the moment they are the worst enemies of the peace of the world. Personally I could not receive Marshall Foch Wilson's bold but tremulous signature is a result of the stroke he suffered in Accompanied by a carbon copy of Holt's reply to Wilson's letter and a autograph letter signed by Holt, giving Wilson's letter to a Mrs. Johnson and explaining the circumstances surrounding it.
When Foch visited the U. They demanded the return of the Alsace-Lorraine region to France, the complete demilitarization of the Ruhr, and enormous war reparations, among other concessions. Wilson strongly objected and the U. Senate refused to ratify the treaty with which Wilson was forced to return, effectively hamstringing the nascent League of Nations envisioned by Wilson.
As for Foch, when the Treaty of Versailles was signed, he said: "This is not peace. It is an armistice for 20 years. Featuring a portrait of Washington with "American Republican Procession April 8th, " above and "History and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of a republican government" below. Featuring an oval portrait of Douglas at center. Very good. Wilson, Woodrow. George S. Johns in Saint Louis, Missouri.
Accompanied by an engraving of Wilson. Bishop Darlington served on several war-related committees; he received the Legion of Honor from France and Greece, and Serbia also awarded him decorations for his work. Image measures 24" x 19'the print has been professionally conserved and is laid onto an acid-free backing.
Some scuffing to legend; a few minor problems to edges of borders, and a 2" mended tear in tree-line at upper left margin. This print most likely played a role in Grant's presidential campaign. A one-page letter dated Nov. Quigley to Hon. W A Wallace, asking him to arrange "at your earliest convenience"a meeting with the Finance Committee of the Senate and the President "in front of the Presidents Mansion" for "a committee of 50, Business and Laboring men of Penna.
The letter ends, "We are in dead Earnest. Beginning with a "Biographical Sketchof the Managers of the Impeachment, and of the Counsel for the President," then the "Impeachment and Trial of Andrew Johnson," giving the day-to-day proceedings from March 30th through May 16th. Accompanied by a carte de visite of Johnson--a head-and-shoulders portrait within a raised, decorative, patriotic frame, and a very faded orange ticket to the April 28th session of the impeachment.
Dallas detective James R. Leavelle, one of the detective who is pictured escorting Oswald to the county jail, wrote on his image: "I was handcuffed to Oswald when he was shot. James R. With a copy of the November 23, issue reporting Kennedy's assassination. Abraham Lincoln - For Vice-President Hannibal Hamlin," listing electoral candidates in 33 districts, etc.
Edge chips and one tear at horizontal fold. Published by E. Anthony from a Brady negative. A seated, full-length, right profile portrait. Writing materials are the table at his left. Copy from an Brady negative that was owned by Meserve. Some silvering to photo and minor background blemishes. At Washington, D. April 15th Fine; minor toning and a couple of small scratches in upper background at center. Featuring an oval portral of Lincoln at center.
Born Feb. Died April 15, ". Penciled on back is "M. Some silvering to photo; one small chip missing at upper right edge. Addressed to two newspapermen at the L. Examiner, announcing that "A committee of over citizens n the 12th Congresional District held 3 fact finding meetings After full and deliberate consideration, Mr. Richard M. Nixon of Whittier was endorsed as the Republican candidate for Congress. Nixon at a dinner to be held on February 5th in Santa Anita, California. One of the recipients of Crocker's letter, Carl Greenberg, was a registered Democrat. A penciled note on the letter indicates that he "Phoned regrets.
A wonderful Nixon-associated letter. Photograph taken in This stereoview has a double portrait of a standing Lincoln in formal attire with left arm behind his back, a bit of fading on the left to the image on the right, else in very good condition. This is a very rare stereograph of a Matthew Brady portrait taken on January 8, Remarks Occasioned by the Late Conduct of Mr.
Washington As President Later covers with "Loganian Library" bookplate. Early owner's name and date on title page. Small tear at top margin of last page. Pamplet attacking Washington as a general and as a politician, accusing him of acting only in his self interests. Bache who was the grandson of Benjamin Franklin, was an anti-Federalist and a francophile.
His arrest for publishing an important letter from French Foreign Minister Talleyrand played a role in Adams'signing of the Sedition Act. He was never tried because he died during the yellow fever epidemic that gripped Philadelphia that summer. Bache is now considered an early proponent of free speech. Evans Large steel mezzotint engraving by William Sartain based on a painting by G. Overall moderate toning and a water stain in the right side of the print and margin.
Several nail holes along outer edges of upper and lower margins, with minor paper loss, can be easily covered by framing. Washington dressed in his military uniform, sits at a large table with Martha, surrounded by her two grandchildren and with Washington's faithful slave, William Lee, in the background. On the table lies the plan for the city of Washington. Roosevelt had installed in when he moved the Oval Office to its present location. It survived through the administrations of FDR, Truman, Eisenhower who was an avid golfer and used to put his cleats on in the Oval Office and walk out to the Rose Garden to practice putting , Kennedy and Johnson.
In , LBJ decided to have it replaced with a wood grain designed linoleum, which was in place until the early s when beautiful wood flooring was donated to the White House and installed during the Reagan presidency. It was then that a White House staffer remembered that some of the original cork floor had been saved in storage because of the historical significance of so many Presidents and other heads of state having walked on it. A limited number of pieces of the cork were encased in Lucite with etched writing and signature of Ronald Reagan, explaining the history of the cork.
The lucite case is displayed in a very special navy blue leather box with the Presidential Seal etched in gold on the front and a handsome presidentia blue screen print on white satin of the exterior of the Oval Office on the inside. There was a limited number of these special gifts, and they were given out by President Reagan to a few senior staff people and special friends of the President.
Bryant, William Jennings Secretary of State; threetime presidential candidate. George Bakhmeteff, Ambassador of Russia, asking that he grant an audience to Miss Annabel Lee, who has "a plan for the expansion of trade relations with our respective countries through the medium of the motion picture machine The [U. Clay, Henry American politician from Kentucky; known for his oratorical skills and called "The Great Compromiser.
He served as U. Autograph letter signed "H. Clay praises Fendall's paper as "standing unquestionably at the head of the papers which are arrayed against the military despot," referring to President Andrew Jackson. In part: "On the subject of a nomination, I think my friends generally in the West have settled down on its inexpediency this winter, unless some event should occur to recommend it.
In lieu of that measure, it is thought more advisable to express, in the form of resolutions I do not think that any discouragement ought to [? The last Presidential contest was too recent, and the next is too remote Jackson was the first President to use the spoils or patronage system, whereby loyalists from his party were rewarded with government positions. The American System to which Clay refers, was his program for federally financed internal improvements, primarily roads and canals, and a high protective tariff. Hoover, J. Edgar Controversial director of the FBI from its inception until his death in Correspondence from J.
The group is comprised of six typed letters signed five "J. Hoover" and one "J. Very good to fine. A lovely lithograph of the Supreme Court building by Ernest C. Daly signed by the nine Supreme Court justices, c. Roberts, Hugo L. Black, Wm J. Brennan, Jr. Douglas, Potter Stewart, J. Marshall Harlan, and Abe Fortas. The signatures are in a variety of green, blue, brown, and black.
Alfonso XIII was the posthumous son of Alfonso XII; he was king from his birth his mother served as regent until he was 16 until he was forced to abdicate in His grandson, Juan Carlos, would become King of Spain in With embossed royal stamp at lower left; other official signatures on verso. A wonderful Spanish royal group.
Overall very good condition. Edward VIII. Transmittal envelope with holograph "E" in lower left corner. To Henry Hooker, in part: "I send you under separate cvover a copy of the tribute to the late President I broadcast as Governor of the Bahamas from Nassau on April 14th, As an old friend and law partner of Franklin Delano Roosevelt, I feel you will be interested to have it Because of Edward's pro-Nazi sympathies, the British government wanted him out of Europe during World War II; Churchill appointed him governor of the Bahamas, where he stayed until the end of the war. Napoleon I. The result would be fatal to our enemies.
Tell me if you think you can be ready and what are the chances of success. He also points out the value of regular exercises at sea and dismisses the supposed risks involved in organizing manoeuvres in the Brest roads, invoking his own limited naval experience. He adds, "I can't do miracles, but one must do everything possible. A wonderful letter, in very fine condition. Document signed as King "Louis" in the name of "mon oncle le duc d'orleans Regent," and countersigned by Phelypeaux, his secretary of state, 16 x 10", Paris, Nov.
A lettre de cachet, directed to Monsieur de Bernauille, captain and governor of the Bastille, ordering him to "receive" one Nicollazzo, printer from the town of Chartres, and to keep him there until further orders from the King. Nicollazzo must have printed something the Regent did not like and, therefore, considered "seditious.
Scattered toning and foxing. A note on the docket shows that Nicollazo entered the Bastille on November 18th. He very likely never left alive. The President and the Prime Minister were traveling on Truman's private railroad car after Churchill gave a speech at Westminster College, in Fulton, Missouri on March 5, where he was introduced by Truman and received an honorary degree.
Toning and edge chips; very good. Third person autograph note signed by General Turreau , French minister to the U. Domingo affairs General Turreau had fought under Rochambeau in the American Revolution. Kossuth, Lajos Hungarian patriot and statesman. He headed the Hungarian insurrection and persuaded the National Assembly to declare the Hungary's independence, subsequently becoming a dictatorial governor.
He had to resign when the insurrection was quashed and fled with many followers into Turkey, where he was imprisoned from He went to the United States and England to raise funds for the Hungarian cause, then lived the rest of his life in Turin. With integral leaf addressed in his hand to Sir Stratford Canning, the British ambassador to Turkey at Constantinople.
In part: "It is with the deepest sorrow I learn the violent measures of the Turkish government, inflicted upon my poor exiled fellow countrymen at Constantinople. Being entirely at a loss what to think of this inexplicable suddden change in the politics Your Excellency praying most humbly that You would be pleased to order that some exact information might be given to me about the meaning of these untoward events He lead Saint Domingue's slave revolution and variously defeated French, Spanish, and British troops.
He laid the foundation for Haiti's becoming the Western Hemisphere's second independent republic in , the first having been the United States. Being a statement about supplies furnished to the Navy and ordering payment in the amount of 49 francs 50 centimes. The stamp of the French Republic is at center left. Additional text and endorsements on verso. Trimmed at right margin with minor loss to text, not affecting the bold signature. Ben-Gurion, David. Autograph letter signed "D. Accompanied by an English translation of BenGurion's letter and a synopsis of Mr. Hartal's letter to him.
Ben-Gurion writes: "Everything you have written about Russia is correct, and perhaps you did not exhaust all her deeds. But the role to inform is in the hands of the government and its employees, and I have no contact with the government. At present I am here--for reasons of health, and soon I will return to Sdeh Boker Ben-Gurion, David One of the most influential figures in modern Zionism; founder of the State of Israel; first and third prime minister of Israel.
Fine; uneven right margin, affecting nothing. Accompanied by an English translation of Ben-Gurion's letter and a synopsis of Mr. Hartal 's letter to him. Hartal had written to Ben-Gurion about the necessity of improving and enhancing the public's awareness regarding the Soviet Union's aims in the Middle East, especially its expansionistic aims. Ben-Gurion replied from Tiberias, a winter heath resort famous since Roman times for its hot springs. Copies of the correspondence offered here between Ben-Gurion and Mr.
Hartal are in the BenGurion Archives in Israel.. The former prime minister writes: "The deficiency that you count in the Jewish Agency regarding the absorption of immigrants is not the only one. In order to absorb immigrants into any country, and especially into Israel, the good will of the population is needed, as well as the full authority of the government; and without having a responsible and wise government to initiate immigration to Israel from the Diaspora, which is ready to devote itself to it with all its heart and soul--immigration to Israel will be abandoned.
Concerning the crucial importance of immigration to Israel--I agree with you one hundred percent In the spring of , P. Hartal wrote Mr. Ben-Gurion concerning the urgent need to increase Jewish immigration to Israel and expressed the opinion that the Jewish Agency should do more to promote immigration and to absorb those immigrants. Ben-Gurion replies to Mr.
Hartal's suggestion that the Suez Canal be widened by kilometers to facilitate international and Israeli navigation and to another suggestion that Israel might benefit from adding an Upper House to its parliamentary system. Hartal, who was teaching in Beer Sheva at the time, and who proposed that an Art Academy be added to Sdeh Boker College, which was founded by BenGurion in ; the college was comprised of a boarding high school, a department of field studies and a teacher training seminary. Ben-Gurion retired there twice, after each term as prime minister; he remained active in the political life of Israel and devoted much of his time to writing the history of Israel.
I do not think that we need an Upper House. What we do need is a talented and most responsible leadership, but not in the Upper House. I thank you from the bottom of my heart for the two oil paintings that you sent me To discuss the matter from the view of Sdeh Boker-the hour did not arrive yet to set up an art academy at the college. I must admit though that I am not an expert on art, and my opinion does not obligate. I will forward your letter to the persons responsible for the college From the personal collection of P.
Typed letter signed "D. Written to Jacob Greenberg, Mizrachi Youth, thanking him for his message of sympathy, four days after the "Biltmore Conference" May 6 to May 11, , which called for fulfillment of the Balfour Declaration and urged the establishment of Palestine as a Jewish commonwealth. The conference marked the turning away from British policies toward America as a main ally. The letter is toned, else fine.
Ben-Gurion signed in blue ink. Dreyfus, Alfred Jewish artillery officer in the French army, falsely accused and convicted of treason in Autograph letter signed "A Dreyfus" , 1 page, in French, n. To the wife of Zola, announcing that the official engagement of his son, Captain Pierre Dreyfus, to Mlle. Baus, will take place on Sunday, April 27 and inviting her to the celebration. He signs "Affectionally A. Zola's letter was instumental in the eventual exoneration of Dreyfus. Ben-Gurion," along with a certificate thanking the family of the late Arthur R. Rack for his service to the UJA "in the cause of Jewish life-saving and rebuilding.
Schindler, Emilie Humanitarian; wife of Oskar Schindler. She worked alongside her husband to save Jews from certain death in the Holocaust. Schindler as the keynote speaker. Basel, Translated from Hebrew into Latin by Johannes Buxtorf, quarto, later half calf. Interior is toned throughout; a penned annotation in Latin is noted on p. Maimonides Rabbi Moses ben Maimon was a rabbi, physician, and philosopher who was born in Cordova, Spain in , and died in Egypt That text was subsequently translated into Hebrew by Samuel ibn Tibbon, whose text Buxtorf used for his Latin translation.
Maimonides'ideas influenced both the Jewish and non-Jewish worlds. Autograph quotation signed, 1 page, on letterhead of The Menger Hotel, 9 x 6". Borglum writes to Robert Aarons in Milwaukee: "All great work demands martyrdom. With transmittal envelope, postmarked or Slight toning along the edges, otherwise fine. Borglum kept a studio in San Antonio where, in , he executed a bronze monument for the Old Trail Drivers Association. Greenaway, Kate British children's book illustrator and writer. Autograph letter signed, 1p, 6 x 4", 11 Pemberton Gardens, Holloway, N.
Wappett: "I have much pleasure in granting your request. Matted with a reproduction of one of Miss Greenaway's charming illustrations from and framed to an overall size of 13 x 17 in. Autograph letter signed "E. Vincent van Gogh's sister Elizabeth was instrumental in building a memorial in his name. Lindbergh, Charles A. Filled with grand content mentioning Dr. Alexis Carrel with whom he worked on construction of perfusion pump, used to keep organs alive outside the body , dismissing Ross'article about him as a "mixture of fiction and rumor I thought it trivial and rather silly," and decrying the bloodshed in Africa, " I wonder if anyone now living will see the end to heavy bloodshed on that continent The smiling photo shows Lindbergh as a young man; his nickname, "Slim" is below the photo which was taken by Donald E.