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  1. DOI: Atlas of Family Names in Ireland (Home)
  2. Elise Marion
  3. Doomed family who inspired Evelyn Waugh
  4. What's Hot

Unravelling the territorial domains of first and second names, therefore, is only part of the story. Complex linguistic terrains and interfaces and competing terrains of discourse must also be traversed and addressed. And just as the sources provide narrow, uneven and darkened windows on the past, so in this venture I must select, emphasise and obscure to tell my story. It is unlikely that any other European country has a seventeenth-century record of such geographical richness in relation to the number and importance of such a range of family surnames.

Whatever about its uniqueness, this baronial listing of principal Irish family names has provided an essential anchor for this Atlas project. All these surnames are included in the Atlas project. Figure 1, therefore, seeks to map the relative distribution of the Gaelic and Old English surnames in In sharp contrast, the strength of the population with Gaelic surnames over much of Louth, South Dublin, North Wexford and most particularly Kildare is striking. The mid-seventeenth century surname evidence also confirms the spread of medieval settlement and culture by the Anglo-Normans in south-east Ireland.

Outside of the north-west and the south-west of the province and the hills of Tipperary, Figure 1 also illustrates the strength of Norman naming patterns over much of Munster. But what this map fails to reveal is the subtle gradations in the forms of the Anglo-Norman names as they work their way inland and westwards into such highly Gaelicised lands as North Kerry, not to speak of the naming and cultural permutations that characterize Connaught. The strength of the Gaelic tradition so close to Cork City is another striking feature of Figure 1.

Indeed the Gaelic hearthland of the southwest is as clear and as extensive in as it was in The inland Gaelic worlds of Laois-Offaly and its borderlands is also made clear as is the weak Norman surname imprint in the wetter lands of North Connaught, Northwest Leinster and all of Ulster, exclusive of East Down and Antrim. The myth that the Normans became more Irish than the Irish themselves became deeply embedded in the Irish psyche and Irish historiography after the mid-seventeenth century.

One of the most comprehensive and most accessible of the county hearth-tax records is that edited for Co. Tipperary by Laffan. Again it is not too difficult a task to distinguish between the Gaelic surnames and those of Old English ancestry. Likewise one can map parish by parish the first or Christian name patterns associated with the descendants of the two ethnic groups.

If the thesis or myth that the Normans became more Irish than the Irish themselves is correct, one might expect that over the more than four hundred years of conflict, interaction and assimilation between the two groups, at least some of the Old English families would come to carry first names which had been borrowed from the Gaelic naming stock. The first name evidence from the hearth money records for Tipperary emphatically denies that such a process of acculturation occurred.

The descendants of the Anglo-Normans may have borrowed freely when it came to matters of poetry, song, music and indeed language. But they certainly yielded very little symbolic territory in their use of Christian first names. And when it came to issues of property in land or the Church or the professions generally it is, likewise, doubtful if they yielded much ground.

In contrast to the solidity and county-wide consistency of the Old English first names, the pattern of Christian names amongst the Gaelic families Figure 2 very closely mirrors the underlying property and political structures. In the North and West of Tipperary where Gaelic lords had remained in situ during the medieval period or, as in the case of the O'Kennedys, had expanded their domains during the period known as the Gaelic resurgence, Gaelic first naming patterns had remained most intact.

Nevertheless the resilience and strength of Gaelic resistance is epitomised by a number of frontier parishes such as that of the O'Fogartys of Inch in the Thurles region and that of the McGraths of Whitechurch near Cahir. Not only had the Normans not become more Irish than the Irish themselves; rather the cultural tide was running in the opposite direction in sixteenth—and seventeenth—century Ireland with the adoption of Old English naming patterns by families of Gaelic descent. However it is also relevant to note the large transitional zone in the middle of the county where Gaelic and Norman cultural forms met and fused to a greater extent.

A very high correlation between the two sources is evident in the three naming regimes revealed for Co. This latter region is seen to extend over much of lowland Leinster, presents a sharp frontier to the Gaelic world of Ulster and its borderlands in Leinster and Connaught, extends into Normanised Roscommon and swings south to reveal the cultural zones of high assimilation to medieval naming patterns amongst the Gaelic families of both East and North Cork and North Kerry.

The long recognised frontier zone between Desmond North Kerry and Gaelic South Kerry is replicated on this map—a Gaelic zone of continuity which extends into West and South-West Cork with again as in Tipperary a classic hybrid marchland zone running north-south in mid Cork from Liscarroll to Kinsale. Likewise pockets of greater resistance to European naming patterns are revealed in parts of the Midlands, the Decies in Waterford and in North Wexford and probably much of Wicklow. County Clare reveals mixed, if more Gaelic-naming, patterns which probably weakened as this zone extended into lowland Galway and Mayo.

However, the most striking feature of Figure 4 is the emphatic regional distinctiveness of Ulster and adjacent borderlands. Nowhere else does the pattern of Christian names remain so faithful to its ancestral roots. Nowhere else in Ireland was Gaelic culture more coherent, more conserving, more enduring. Overall, therefore the first name evidence from mid-seventeenth century Ireland as a whole reveals how diverse and regionalised Irish cultural expressions had been at this time.

And it is clear that over the greater part of the island excluding Ulster medieval Christian naming patterns had taken a deep hold—a feature even more pronounced amongst women where Christian names reveal a greater shift towards the more fashionable European first names than even those of the men.

For example, in Co. The Anglo-Norman colonisation and the associated great increase in continental religious foundations had clearly a profound long-term transformational effect on culture and naming patterns. This is not to argue, however that the more universal saints names had not penetrated into Irish life before The Christian names Michael and Paul began to arrive after while Edmund, John, Margaret, Maria and Nicholas also make more fleeting appearances before Yet there is no doubt but that the full introduction of the great swathe of continental saint names awaited the coming of the Anglo-Norman knights and their religious orders.

Likewise this is not to argue that the first naming tradition of the Gaelic population had remained carved in stone in the pre-Norman period. To explore this world in greater depth the use of Irish-language sources is essential. As many as first names are recorded in the Annals of Ulster for the period ; the average for the subsequent six 50 year periods to is The greatest range and the greatest number of first names emanate therefore, from the earliest period analysed.

However equally relevant is the apparently high attrition rate in the names recorded between and —as many as Indeed The attrition rate for first names for all of the other subsequent periods ranges from The most dramatic transformation in both the number and variety of first names seems to take place in the ninth century. Powerful continuities in first name use are also attested in the Annals of Ulster AU. At least 18 first names are recorded as occurring in all eight 50 year periods to , close on another 20 for all of seven 50 year periods, over 20 for six periods, close on 30 for five; 50 first names are recorded for at least four 50 year periods, over 70 for 3 and over names are recorded as recurring in at least two of the selected 50 year periods.

The significant differences between the two lists relate mainly to two rather different chronologies, the wider range of sources used by O'Brien and the significant shift in fashions of naming after AD. Of these strongly enduring names, Aed later anglicised Hugh is as equally and massively popular in the twelfth century as in the eighth century and becomes one of the great Gaelic revival names in the late medieval period. Both these first names were to anchor surname forms in later centuries.

Cellach, on the other hand, though remaining popular is only recorded half as often in the tenth- and eleventh-century Annals, although it again was to become a strong surname. Conchobar is one of the great consistent names, as powerful in the eleventh and twelfth centuries as in the eighth and ninth centuries to become one of the great first and second names over the second millennium see Figure 4 below.

In contrast, Congalach is again only half as powerful after than it is before. Cormac is equally becoming much less fashionable in the later centuries of the first millennium but nevertheless survives to anchor a key Irish surname see Atlas Extract, VI and first name. Both Diarmait and Donnchad were the other great consistent first names and second names equally popular in all centuries. In contrast, while already a powerful name from at least the eighth century, Domnall grows three times as fashionable after to become one of the most influential first and second names, showing further strength in the late medieval era of re-gaelicisation.

The name Muirchertach is rather rare with five recordings only by Subsequently it becomes highly favourable with close on 80 recorded occurrences in the AU between and Later on it becomes an anchor surname. Muiredach is another of the very strong stable names across all these centuries while Murchad, in contrast, is almost twice as popular after as before. Niall, while remaining fashionable, dips somewhat out of favour in the latter half of the 11th century.

However, the much larger sample of first names for the Annals of the Four Masters shows Niall continuing to function at a select, steady rate in the later Middle Ages. The name slowly gathers momentum up to and is afterwards three times as popular. However the epic story of the cultural geography of the name Patrick is still to be researched and written.

The hearth money records for Armagh shows the name Patrick already deeply rooted in this north-eastern region by the mid-seventeenth century. However, the likely greatest surge in the use of Patrick may be linked to the growth of both St. Patrick's Day as the key national festival and to the whole nationalist awakening from the late eighteenth century onwards. Nevertheless, a thorough analysis of its geographical growth in Ireland and further afield would provide critical insights about phases and patterns of cultural transformation across Ireland and beyond.

Other very popular names in later eras such as Mary, Brigit and Brian only begin to become fashionable in the late tenth and early eleventh centuries. The Viking name lmar gathers strength from the mid eighth century and peaks from the late eight to the tenth centuries. The Nordic name Ragnall is also tenacious throughout six of the 50 year periods after and Ualgarg and Sitriuc even more so.

Lochlainn becomes quite a fashionable first name from the beginning of the eleventh century onwards. By then it is clear that Scandinavian-Irish names have long been assimilated into the Gaelic-Irish tradition. In contrast a large number of fairly important early names cease to be recorded after or ; these include Artgal, Colgu, Congal, Crunnmael, Eochu, Forbasach and Suairlech. Mapping all these first names across all the 50 year periods from to reveals a number of key general trends.

Firstly, quite a number of names such as Ailill, Bran, Congal practically disappear from these Annals after or There is severe attrition on many long-established names at this time. The most pronounced period of decline in the strengths of all these key first names lies between and , followed in many cases by a clear record of resurgence for the late tenth and eleventh centuries onwards. The above combination of names is strongly in the ascendancy from to ; older first names gradually regain the upperhand afterwards but there is a kind of equilibrium between old and new name forms from to Fourthly, there is clearly a resurgence of long-established names in the eleventh and twelfth centuries and some names that had almost disappeared from the record reappear.

And fifthly the Christianisation of first names mainly occurs after There is thus evidence of both strong continuities and striking fluidities and discontinuities. Four out of ten of first names in use c. Yet six out of ten of the total number of first names are recorded for only one of the year periods in the AU. Overall there appears to be a significant phase of cultural transformation expressed between c.

Then follows a trend towards greater stabilising of first names after This stability may also be strongly related to the spread of hereditary surnames and the consequent reduction in the need for a greater variety of first name forms. There are some parallels in the later impact of the Norman conquest in the high Middle Ages which depressed the status of local Gaelic names and saw the powerful spread of universal saints names as first names. Like in other West European countries, the use of Christian saints' names as first names in Ireland was a relatively slow process.

However, after c. Mac Lysaght has provided one measure of these transformations in first names from his analysis of sources such as the Civil Survey, the Books of Survey and Distribution and the Cromwellian Certificates. Thomas, William, James and Edmund followed, each accounting for about five percent. The break with the earlier medieval period up to is, therefore, quite sharp.

The old Gaelic names Connor, Dermot, Donough, Rory and Teig, only occupy a third category, each accounting in turn for nearly three percent of the Catholic population. A little less prolific were Patrick, Richard and Nicholas. Mac Lysaght concludes that the list of these first names which each reach at least one per cent of the total includes Andrew, Christopher, Francis, Garrett, Henry, Loughlin, Mahon, Peter, Piers and Terlagh. These figures suggest a ratio of at least two-to-one by the mid-seventeenth century in favour of the Anglo-Norman derived first names for men as against the older Gaelic forms.

The enumerated tituladoes of the Census allows some regional breakdown of this island-wide pattern. In fact of the top ten first names of the old Gaelic elites of Ulster seven were from the Gaelic tradition and only three John, Edmund and Thomas from the medieval. The situation was very different amongst the new settler gentry of Ulster. John Apart from Hugh, Thomas and the ever popular John, no other first name is shared with the top ten names of the old Irish gentry while names such as Archbald, Arthur, Charles, Cromwell, Gustavus, Jason, Jacob and Joshua, through to Samuel, Theophilius and Tobias bespeak the new political and religious order.

Below the gentry level, a sample inspection of settler names amongst the depositions from the counties of Armagh, Queen's County Laois and Waterford shows that seven first names accounted for almost two-thirds of the total record. The remainder, which occur four times or less include such wonderful names as Isaak, Jasper, Job, Marmaduke, Rowland, Tristan and Zelopheled. At the urban settler level, very little difference is to be noted.

The Census has little to tell us about incoming women's first names. The depositions—given the much greater sample of women's names—is a much more fruitful source. These depositions comprise, for the most part, the sworn statements of Protestant settlers who had endured the Irish Rising of The hearth money records for Co. Tipperary offers a contrasting picture of women's first names amongst both the Old Irish and the descendants of the Anglo-Normans.

The leading name by far is Margaret And within Co. The pattern of pre-planter first names amongst the women of mid-seventeenth century Co. Dublin, while very similar to Tipperary, does reveal subtle regional differences as well. Mary third is in a much stronger position. Elizabeth is also more fashionable as are Anastasia and Sarah.

DOI: Atlas of Family Names in Ireland (Home)

There are very few Gaelic first names left amongst the women of South Co. By , the universal saints' names brought in in the medieval period are dominant in the Pale and the old Gaelic first names have been eroded dramatically from this symbolic landscape. The extent to which both the intensification of Scots Presbyterian colonisation and settlement in the second half of the seventeenth and earlier part of the eighteenth century, and the late eighteenth and especially nineteenth century evangelical revivals strengthened as well as narrowed the range of Old Testament type first names amongst the descendants of the settler community still needs to be thoroughly researched.

Likewise the degree to which these naming patterns were Gaelicised—if at all—needs further exploration.

Elise Marion

We do know that some Johnstons become MacShanes, but this appears to be a relatively rare process. Patrick leaps into second place over the same period and is six times more fashionable in the mid-twentieth century as in the mid-seventeenth century. It is also interesting to note that the range of men's first names has also narrowed over the three hundred years between c. This pattern replicates wider European trends in the narrowing of the naming stocks.

Such names transcend the later Middle Ages to reach back to the most fashionable women's names in the pre-Norman period. The name Mary—already quite strong in the Pale region of the seventeenth century—now becomes the most favoured woman's first name. The depth of the cultural divergence between such women's first names as revealed in the mid-seventeenth century data sources and those of the mid-twentieth century is indeed immense. A vast journey over a complex cultural terrain has been negotiated and traversed over the intervening three centuries.

However great continuities also prevailed—and the most enduring feature of the Irish fashion in naming is the continued use of the forename in the creation of the very distinctive Irish second or surname system. In the specially revised edition of Woulfe's Sloinnte Gaedheal is Gall—Irish names and surnames , the Irish Genealogical Foundation provide a new index which lists c.

And close on one in seven of the names discussed by Woulfe are themselves diminutives or variations of other primary family surname forms. In the wider literature it is argued that Ireland provides one of the earliest examples of hereditary family surname formation in Europe, paralleling that of Southern France, perhaps a century ahead of England and clearly very different to countries like Lithuania, where second names only emerged in the eighteenth century and Iceland where the use of hereditary surnames is not characteristic at all.

The originating phase for Irish hereditary surnames seems to be the mid-tenth century. After , there is a great surge of new second name formations. A brief survey of these two Annals—that of Ulster and Inisfallen—between and is instructive. Whereas it would appear that less than four percent of recorded surnames had originated before , c. Thus, by the end of the twelfth century hereditary surname formation had spread among the elite classes in most parts of the country and continued to spread downwards amongst other groups.

And after a very significant crop of Anglo-Norman surnames also enters the records. Correlating early surname formation with occupational details highlights the significance of at least two specific groups with powerful interests in the hereditary principle. Royal families, other aristocratic families and local lords intent on carving out distinctive territorial domains, symbolised their status and distinctiveness by the adoption of specific surnames. They drew both a symbolic and geographical boundary around themselves as members of the ruling landed elites, thus forcing the discarded segments to adopt other name formations.

It is also relevant to note that early surname formation did become a feature of the key kin-groups attached to royal and aristocratic households and military administrations including castellans, stewards, brehons, bards, as well as military officers on land or sea. Equally significant was the formation of early surnames amongst the ecclesiastical elites.

Ireland appears to be unique in Western Europe in that clerical families developed their own genealogies in addition to compiling and preserving the secular genealogies , thus stressing the centrality of the hereditary principle amongst the mainly aristocratic church families. Lectors, abbots and bishops also made their contribution to the stock of surnames as did other related elites such as the poets, historians and topographers. An acceleration in both occupational specialisation and occupational diversification after and especially after also added impetus to the solidification of distinctive surnames see Appendices.

Mac Lysaght observes that the majority of these such as Mac Sherone ex Prendergast and Mac Ruddery ex Fitzsimon are nearly extinct today as are various offshoots of the Burkes. In addition Mac Lysaght has identified over 80 Anglo-Norman surnames which were formed from trades, employments, personal characteristics and nationality and are represented in medieval Irish records. Butler is another name of this type and its changing distribution between c. By , Gaelic and Gaelicised Ireland was still an expansive confident world and both the Irish language and Irish surname forms predominated in such regions.

English speech and English name forms were then concentrated on the enclave of the Pale and Dublin, a few other key port-cities and regional pockets elsewhere. By the early eighteenth century, in contrast, the tide had turned dramatically in favour of the English language and British culture and in favour of anglicised surname forms. The Tudor, Cromwellian and Williamite conquests had oppressed Gaelic Ireland and the story of the beginnings of a linguistic conquest is chronicled with ever increasing geographical precision between the s and the s in a large number of documents written in English.

These begin with the fiants of Henry VIII and of Elizabeth which provide in extraordinary detail the name forms of many in the Irish population over the sixteenth century. The increasingly detailed manuscript maps of sixteenth and seventeenth century Ireland likewise rendered key Irish family names and their territories in English forms as the rechristening of people and landscapes gathered pace. Recognition of the significance of these English-language based sources signals that the power to narrate Ireland's story and its naming systems had shifted dramatically by the seventeenth century.

Another sixteen per cent of these surnames were particular to two or three adjacent baronies. There are then the great regional names, confined to a single province and usually occupying two or three adjacent counties. And as early as not only the anglicisation but also the fragmentation of Irish surname forms was well on its way. A further 19 names—from Byrne and Clarke, through Curran and Nolan to Ryan and O'Sullivan—are all rendered in at least eight, and often up to eleven, variations.

A further 41 names from Duffy and Brennan onto Crowley and McDonagh are rendered in five to seven ways, while an additional 24 names including Brannagh and Cahill, O'Riordan and O'Rourke, are returned in at least four variant forms. The splintering of Irish cultural and political formations is symbolised in the fracturing of its surname forms as is internal differentiation in naming patterns within one linguistic community.

The likely process is that Petty's clerks—under the strict supervision of Petty's two most loyal and efficient lieutenants, his cousin John Pettie and the tireless assistant Thomas Taylor—were instructed to abstract and add up the total of Irish family names townland by townland from the parish poll-tax lists. Alternatively, the clerks were instructed to identify the settlers by their distinctive family names. The evidence for Co. Fermanagh suggests the latter strategy since, alone for this county, not only are the principal Irish names of specific districts named but so are the principal Scots and English and their number.

As it happens the Armstrongs head the list with 47 adults, the Johnstons follow with 34, the Elliots 28, the Grahams 21, the Nixons 14 while the Catcharts, Belfores, Croziers, Irwins, Montgomerys, Nobles and Scotts each recorded from five to ten adults. It is also clear that Co. Down and particularly Co. Antrim presented special problems to the clerks in distinguishing between the local Irish, Scots-Gaelic settlers and other planters with Mac prefixes. Figure 5 summarises at the barony scale the level of immigrant penetration in Antrim, most of Down, North Armagh, much of the county of Londonderry, East Donegal and a core around the lakes of Fermanagh.

This map illuminates the cutting edge of a south-westward frontier as it advanced into the less densely populated edges of Connaught and the northwest midlands generally. This advancing front of settler names was marching against an existing Gaelic world and in this encounter some of the older populations were deflected further south into Omeath in the Cooley peninsula to the east and the Galway-Clare borderlands and islands in the west. The second most powerful core of planter surnames pivoted around the Pale region and Dublin City.

Apart from a strategic northern salient, planter family names are only weakly represented in the rich hearthlands of North Leinster. But to the south and west a new wide band of significant minorities bearing planter names stretched right across Laois, Offaly and the edges of North Tipperary to reach the Shannon and Limerick.

On the other flank, these settler names curved southwards to colonise the West Wicklow-North Wexford borderlands. Thirdly, there was a southwestern core of planter names pivoting around Cork City and the Munster plantation precincts. Beyond these three cores, old Irish family names predominated. The Depositions and particularly the far greater survival rate of records of the hearth monies for many of the Ulster counties provide further insights into the distribution and character of settler names as they were carried into the northern half of Ireland.

Philip Robinson has made a major contribution here with his impressive maps of Scottish and English settlement zones based, amongst other criteria, on surnames analysis. As in Ulster, one notes the key role of the towns as gathering points and as springboards for funnelling settlers into the countryside. This surname analysis allows us to track these families and individuals as they spread out along the existing roads into the villages, farms, castles and big houses.

And these detailed seventeenth-century surname distributions also indicate the fissures along which the English language spread at the expense of Irish. Along these linguistic interfaces, compromises, confusions, ambiguities and pluralities abounded. Yet a brief survey of the Fiants of the second half of the sixteenth century shows that both Gaelic Christian names and surnames were still rendered in their older forms. The seventeenth century is absolutely decisive for the transformation and anglicisation of surnames.

As Mac Lysaght notes, this was the period during which our surnames assumed approximately the forms ordinarily in use in Ireland today. The names of the Elizabethan settlers and their more numerous successors in the seventeenth century did not become Gaelicised while the surnames of the Irish—whether of Gaelic or Anglo-Norman ancestry—were often transformed beyond recognition. In a sense, just as the mapping and renaming of their lands by the imperial power seemed to both appropriate the landscape and distance them from it, so the anglicisation of their name forms was another form of alienation and othering.

Clearly the symbolic universe of the Irish was being both fractured and reorganised. In addition, Mac Lysaght has identified at least surnames which are indigenous and common in Britain which come to be used as the anglicized form of Gaelic Irish names. Likewise, he identifies over 70 Gaelic Irish surnames which have an English appearance but nevertheless are rarely if ever derived from Britain.


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To confuse matters further, there are about forty Gaelic Irish names such as Brazil, Hession, Kehoe and Mannix that look like they are of foreign origin but are rarely if ever found as native to any country but Ireland. It is doubtful if any other West European country has witnessed such a variety of transformations in surname forms.

Mis translations, abbreviations, elisions, excisions, misunderstandings abound, a process accelerated further with the exodus to America. By , the mutation and diversification of these names over the previous two centuries becomes clearer. In his survey of that year, Matheson identified close on surname variations out of a basic stock of over root names. At least a quarter of Matheson's registered surnames showed at least five variations in form and as many as one out of every six name forms shows ten or more variations. The name McLaughlin contains eighteen forms as does Cullen.

Connolly, O Connor s and O Byrne reveal over 25 variations in name form while as we have seen, MacAneany is rendered in at least 38 different ways. The quite extraordinary proliferation, multiplication and diversification of single surname forms also points to local and regional styles of both Irish and Hiberno-English pronunciation in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. The geographical story of this anglicisation of Irish surnames is therefore a story of complex, multiple and mobile forms which shift and shuffle across a variety of local and regional terrains.

The regaelicisation of many Irish surname forms since the s has been equally a complex business. One has to allow that Irish family names in the enumeration includes a number of Old English names that had not been gaelicised. This therefore affects the distribution pattern especially in Leinster. Nevertheless, one can clearly identify four cultural regions. Much of Leinster with a core in the Pale which expands westwards into the Midlands and southwards down the Barrow valley to Waterford is seen to be a strongly anglicised zone.

The second major cultural region expands from this Northern frontier zone into north-west Leinster and east Connaught and stretches south through East Clare and much of Tipperary and Waterford towards an outlet in South-west Cork. This is the great hybrid cultural region which emerges on a number of maps of this late medieval world. Here, powerful cultural influences from both gaelicising and anglicising forces met, clashed and fused. And South-west Clare points the way towards the third major cultural region, comprising most of South and West Munster.

Indeed a relatively sharp frontier extends from mid Clare into the hills of Tipperary and extends southwards into the West Waterford coastlands. South and west of this line a far greater resistance to the anglicisation of surnames is revealed for the mid-seventeenth century. Over much of this Northern province—from Lecale in Co. This region of great continuity extends over much of Co. Leitrim and probably Co. Cavan as well. And as seen with the regional variations in Gaelic first name patterns, South Ulster presents a very sharp frontier to the anglicising world of North Leinster.

By the mid and late nineteenth century this picture is very different. Griffith's Valuation for the s 41 and the Registrar General's survey of provide us with magnificently detailed sources as to national, regional and local patterns of naming. The processes of surname transformation in the intervening eighteenth century—the mistranslations, the admixture of forms, the attritions—needs much further study.

For example Mac Lysaght notes that the great variety of very specific surnames as revealed in the Elphin diocesan survey of has been much reduced by the later nineteenth century. The flattening and erosion of the Gaelic name forms appears to be astonishing. The cultural distance between the strong Gaelic naming patterns of North and East Cork as per Petty's data and that of is very sharp indeed. Even allowing for underenumeration by English speaking pastors of the MacCarthy forms in in what was still often an Irish-speaking area, it is clear that by the s the regaelicisation of surname forms had ushered in a new era for both Cork and Ireland.

What is clear is that its roots lie back in the mid nineteenth century, perhaps earlier. By this proportion had risen to But this small sample also clearly reveals profound differences in the fortunes of different Irish family names over recent centuries. These are followed by O'Dea But the centuries old attrition was much greater and deeper than this. Only More dramatically, only c. Mysteries abound. In some instances, there may be a Gaelic syntactic explanation.

Clearly, this whole area requires much further research. However, if one were to analyse the name formations using religious affiliation as a control, Ulster's position in the league table would likely be enhanced. Munster and Connaught have very similar proportions with The pattern in both may be reminiscent of the overall islandwide pattern of anglicisation and resistance to anglicisation as evidenced in the map Figure 6 while also showing surprising new regional dimensions. This core zone of anglicisation then extends southwards into East Tipperary and South Kilkenny and bends north along the western edge of Carlow and into Co.

Was the Munster plantation and the consequent early spread of English speech significant in this zone? All these cores act as anchors to wider regions of continuity and resurgence over much of Ulster apart from Cavan , along the northern and western edges of Leinster as well as comprising much of Connaught. Most of Thomond Clare falls into the pattern as does a strikingly wide belt of territory stretching from East Limerick through south and South-West Tipperary on into coastal Waterford.

This latter Munster region appears to be a zone where the battle for supremacy between the Irish and English languages and cultures was prolonged. As we have seen the O'Connor name form lost out most emphatically to the Connor s form between the seventeenth and the nineteenth centuries. Otherwise, the Connor s forms reign supreme and most emphatically over most of Ulster and much of Leinster apart from a cluster of baronies in Meath and Dublin.

Most interesting, the strongest cores in for the O'Regan name form are in the cities of Limerick and Cork where the ratios are well above their county levels. Likewise the cities of Cork and Limerick show greater retention of, or more likely, resumption of the O'Neill form.

This pattern is also replicated for the O'Connor formation and Dublin city also shows a far higher ratio of the O'Connor versus Connor s form than does the surrounding counties. These urban statistics for the mid-nineteenth century all clearly point to, amongst other things, the early regaelicisation process which under the Gaelic League and other cultural forces gathers a powerful momentum by the last decades of the nineteenth century.

By this time, the majority of the Irish population had come to consider Ireland as a separate and autonomous nation and felt its surnames should both reflect and demarcate that heritage. It is, therefore, not surprising that the critical decades for key publications on Irish surnames and placenames was at the latter end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century. And the struggle for geographical space was not only expressed in changing street names but also in the transformation and gaelicisation of first and second names.

In Cork City in only 0. The equivalent figure for Dublin City is 6. The equivalent figure for Galway City is 3. Derry City shows a stronger shift towards this form with He wrote many many years later in 1 It was Baron de Kalb not Steuben who came with de la Fayette. Steuben ar- rived in America on i". The Marquis himself states as follows: "After having "encountered for seven weeks various perils and chances "we arrived at Georgetown in Carolina. Ascending the "river in a canoe his foot touched at length the American "soil and he swore that he would conquer or perish in that "cause.

Landing at midnight at Major Huger's house he "found a vessel sailing for France which appeared only "waiting for his letters. Several of the officers landed, "others remained on board and all hastened to proceed to "Charleston. La "Fayette and some of the officers entered the ships boat, "which was rowed to the beach.

Here they debarked and "a distant light served to guide them. When they arrived "near the house whence the light proceeded the dogs "growled and barked and the people within supposed them "to be a party of marauders from the enemy's vessels. Major "Huger provided horses to convey him and his companions "to Charleston. The writer of this article can state that the tradition when he was a boy among the old planters who made their summer residence on South Island, was that a large sand hill or dune on North Island, just opposite, was the first land in America trodden by de la Fayette.

Of late — very recent — years an impression has existed that the plantation called "Pros- pect Hill" on the Waccamaw, was the plantation of Major Huger visited by de la Fayette.

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This is wholly erroneous. Major Huger never owned or is known to have occupied "Prospect Hill. John Allston died in From thfe identity of name between father and son, and the fact that the son lived at his wife's plantation of "Prospect Hill," has no doubt arisen the supposition that de la Fay- ette visited his father there.

Francis Kinloch Huger, the youngest son of Major Benjamin Huger owned at one time the plantation called "Alderley," which was a part of the barony. As Robert Heriot seems to have owned up to the part of the barony which, as near as the writer can locate, it seems to have formed the "Alderley" plantation, it was impos- sible to have been in owned by Major Benjarqin Huger. It was this Col. Francis Kinloch Huger who made the gallant, if unsuccessful, attempt in to enable the Mar- quis de la Fayette to escape from the Austrian fortress or prison of Olmutz, for which Col.

Huger himself paid the enalty of an imprisonment for eight months awaiting trial and performing his sentence. As de la Fayette arrived at nightfall on the 14'" June, and wrote on the 15'" that he was going that evening to Charlestown, he did not have much time to visit plantations any distance removed from North Island. The expression in his letter of the 19'" June, that he first saw and judged of a country life at Major Huger's house must be taken as referring to his house on North Island.

The old post road came down Waccamaw neck to Calais or Fraser's Point and thence there was a ferry to Dover on the opposite shore of the Bay, and from Dover the road went by Lynch's ferry over the Santee to Charleston. De la Fayette was probably ferried directly across to Dover leaving Georgetown to the West and thence proceeded to Charleston. So that if after going to Major Hugers summer residence on North Island de la Fayette also accompanied him to his plantation, it may have been any of the three last named places, but was quite certainly not "Prospect Hill.

The island was afterwards called Sandy island and later Dubordieu island, whence the corruption "Debidue. Hagley plantation was the property and home of Plowden Charles Jennett Weston, a gentleman of most excellent education and rare ability, and one of the first members of the Historical Society of South Carolina. Profoundly interested in the preservation of the history of the State, he printed at his own expense a volume of "Documents connected with the History of South Carolina," which he dedicated to the Society, trusting it might "be only an advanced skirmisher, "the predecessor of a long array of useful and curious "works published under th e auspices of the Society.

Huger, 1 DeS: Rep:, It belonged to William Allston the son of John Alston the immigrant from whom it passed to his son Jos- eph Allston, who was a gentleman of large fortune, mostly of his own acquisition, and great intelligence, who did much to settle and improve the Parish. He was the father of Captain afterwards known as Colonel William Alston of Marion's command, to whose son and his own grandson, Joseph Alston, he devised the Oaks. At an early age he was elected to the Legislature and made Speaker of the House, and in he was made Governor of the State.

In he married Theodosia Burr and the home of the two was thereafter at "The Oaks. She went at the urgent solicitation of her father, who had but lately returned to this country, to meet him in New York. The "Patriot" was a schooner that had been built for a pilot boat, but which had been fitted out for and used as a privateer after the declaration of war with England. It had come into Georgetown to refit and then proceed to New York, carrying her guns dismounted and under deck.

Alston on the voyage, so as to give her the medical attention her father conceived her state of health might require. They both sailed in the "Patriot. A severe gale prevailed from the i" January, , for some days off the coast of North Carolina, and there is no reasonable doubt but that the "Patriot" was lost and all on board perished during that gale. Governor Joseph Alston died 10 September, 18 16, and was buried in the family cemetery at "The Oaks" by the side of his son. Brookgreen plantation was owned by Capt. William Allston also an officer in Marion's command.

He was born on 5'" November, By Act of Assembly, passed 23 May, , all the lands lying between the sea and Waccamaw river, as far as the boundary line of North Carolina, were constituted a separate Parish under the name of the Parish of All Saints Waccamaw. By the constitution of it elected one member of the House and also a Senator. C, vol. Alexander Glennie, the Rector of the Parish from to , in his address at the laying of the corner stone of the new Church in All Saints Parish, on 27'" December, , stated: "What was done by the above named Commissioners, "or at what period the original building which stood upon "this spot was erected cannot now be ascertained.

On the 19'" "of Nov'. Mary Huger, daughter of Capt. John Alls- ton just mentioned, and widow of Benjamin Huger, son of Major Benjamin Huger, the host of de la Fayette, died, and by her Will directed her residuary estate to be paid to the vestry and wardens of the Upper Episcopal Church of All Saints Parish. The comer stone was laid 27 Deer. Christopher E. Gadsden, then Bishop of the Diocese.

It was much 78 so. Joshua John Ward presented an organ to the church. Francis M. Weston presented a bible, prayer book, a chan- cel chair, a marble font and a carpet for the chancel desk and pulpit. Plowden C. Weston, Esqr. This edifice is still standing. A copy of the inscription on the comer stone was published in this Magazine in the number for July, Owing to mutilations and deface- ments it is given there imperfectly.

The exact inscription taken from a copy in M'. Glennie's papers is as follows. On the S. Heriot Francis M. Weston, Joshua J. Ward, "T.

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Pinckney Alston, John H. Glennie A. Rector "of the Parish Dec'. This was altered and enlarged in and accommodation provided for the negroes, and it was again further altered in 1. The edifice was of wood and was destroyed by fire soon after the war of A third church for the accommodation of the inhabi- tants of the Parish was built in the upper part of the Parish near the highroad on Wachesaw plantation.

April, , with the following inscriptions thereon. East side. Davis D. Assistant Minister The Rev". Lucien Charles Lance B. Building Committee Francis W. Heriot Plowden C. Weston Allard B. I The building was consecrated 15 April, This building has also been destroyed. In addition to the foregoing churches there were erected upon many of the plantations, chapels for the special ac- commodation of the negroes. In , according to the report of the Rev". Glennie for that year there were no less than twelve plantation chapels constructed and in use.

According to the census of there were in All Saints Parish free whites and 1, slaves. Of these last, were reported as owned by the six Allstons named as slave owners.